Subseries: Thomas Fairchild, 1985 March 12
Note: Access online.

INTRODUCTION

BIOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND
Scope and Content Note: Born in Milwaukee, December 25, 1912. Lived there through high school. Parents from western New York. Father came to Milwaukee in 1897 and set up law practice. Father elected to state senate as a conservative Republican two times. Ran for Republican gubernatorial nomination in 1910. Appointed to circuit court in Milwaukee by Governor Emmanuel Phillip. “Literally, I have very little recollection of any time that he was not a judge.” Appointed to Wisconsin Supreme Court in 1930. Tom went to a small “college-type institution” in California, called Deep Springs, for two years; then Princeton for two years; then Cornell for a year where he got his B.A. UW-Madison law school, 1934-37, although his degree says 1938 because of a practice requirement he fulfilled after concluding studies. Father originally came to Milwaukee because he thought his uncle would be able to get him a “law job.” No relation to former Governor Lucius Fairchild, or to the Fairchild in “Miller, Mack, and Fairchild” law firm. Father had been somewhat active in politics in New York before coming to Wisconsin.

COLLEGE YEARS
Scope and Content Note: Deep Springs was an institution to which students only went for two or three years. Because his credits did not transfer, he had to start over at Princeton as a freshman. Transferred to Cornell because of a scholarship. Active with Young Republicans at Princeton. Campaigned for Herbert Hoover in 1932. At Cornell, was active in the Liberal Club, which opposed compulsory ROTC. Returned to Wisconsin in 1934 to go to law school and got caught up in the creation of the Progressive Party and the gubernatorial campaign. “That kind of began it. I don't know as I had an overnight conversion, but I was active in the University Progressive Club at Madison.” Influenced by the New Deal. Was not particularly active in campus politics.

CHAIR OF THE YOUNG PROGRESSIVES
Scope and Content Note: Moved to Portage in 1938 to enter law practice with Daniel Grady, a well-known lawyer and political figure. Active in Columbia County Progressive Party and chair of the Young Progressives. Held annual conventions. Not a very large group. “Part...of the general struggle to keep people interested and to get people interested in the Progressive Party and the progressive movement. We would adopt statements of principles and things of that sort at those annual conventions.”

COLUMBIA COUNTY PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Would field candidates for local office. Had complete tickets in 1938 and 1940. Regular monthly meetings. “The kind of political activities that is normal, even though we didn't manage to elect anybody either time.”

STATE PROGRESSIVE PARTY AND DEMOCRATIC PARTY DIVIDED EQUALLY THE CENSUS TAKERS IN 1940

DOES NOT RECALL WHETHER THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY WAS A MEMBERSHIP ORGANIZATION LIKE THE DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZING COMMITTEE WAS LATER TO BECOME

WAS NOT IN ATTENDENCE AT STOCK PAVILION WHEN PHIL LA FOLLETTE LAUNCHED THE NATIONAL PROGRESSIVES OF AMERICA

OFFICE OF PRICE ADMINISTRATION (OPA) DURING WORLD II
Scope and Content Note: Started at the end of December, 1941. After three months in Chicago, moved to the district office in Milwaukee. Started as a lawyer and ended up as an administrative law judge, a hearing officer, for the entire region. Left OPA in early fall, 1945.

JOINED MILLER, MACK, AND FAIRCHILD IN MILWAUKEE AFTER WORLD WAR II
Scope and Content Note: A large corporate practice.

NOT ACTIVE IN POLITICS AT THE TIME, BUT DID ATTEND LAST PROGRESSIVE PARTY CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: Went as a spectator, not a delegate. Francis Wendt, mayor of Racine, and many others from Racine and Kenosha wanted to join the Democrats. Fairchild had leanings in the Republican direction. At the beginning of the convention it was announced that Bob La Follette would not take any public position as to what should be done with the party.

END OF TAPE 46, SIDE 1

INTRODUCTION

MORE ON LAST PROGRESSIVE PARTY CONVENTION, 1946
Scope and Content Note: Fairchild recalls that the issue before the convention was whether to join the Democrats or the Republicans. As the convention progressed, however, many older Progressives gave emotional speeches in favor of retaining the Progressive Party. Finally, Bob LaFollette felt it was necessary to step in and urge return to the Republican Party.

FARICHILD, AT LEAST NOMINALLY, RETURNED TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AFTER THE 1946 PROGRESSIVE PARTY CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: Favored Bob La Follette in the senatorial primary, but was not active in the campaign. One factor affecting La Follette's election was his endorsement of Ralph Immell for governor late in the campaign, which caused Governor Goodland to strongly oppose La Follette. Fairchild suspects he voted for McMurray in the general election. Many liberal Democrats took the position before the 1946 primary that the best way to elect a Democratic senator was to have Joe McCarthy win the Republican primary. “Many of them grew to rue the day.” Does not recall whom he voted for for governor. Definitely did not consider himself a Democrat at the time.

ORPHANED REPUBLICANS
Scope and Content Note: Many like himself who considered themselves adrift in 1946 and later bacame active Democrats.

FAIRCHILD DID NOT REALLY CONSIDER HIMSELF A DEMOCRAT UNTIL HE ANNOUNCED HIS CANDIDACY FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL IN 1948
Scope and Content Note: He had been following the emergence of the DOC in the newspapers. Jim Doyle called and asked him to consider running for attorney general. When he made up his mind to run is when he became a Democrat.

FAIRCHILD'S DECISION TO RUN FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL IN 1948
Scope and Content Note: “The sales pitch was this 'We have a group here that's trying to build a party that is interested in sound political and social principles and wants to use the political process for the advancement of human social welfare, and so on; and. we want to have a party like that in Wisconsin; and something that will help in 1950 and beyond will be the fact that we had a ticket running in 1948; and the better the quality that was on that ticket, the better....” Discussed the offer of running for attorney general with one of the partners in his law firm, who was not enthusiastic, but did not say “no.” Talked it over with his wife. Then went to a meeting at a restaurant in Jefferson Junction, attended by Horace Wilkie, Miles McMillin, Carl Thompson, the Henry Reusses, and others. Meeting discussed candidacies. Agreed to run, if he could take his scheduled vacation and if he only had to campaign on evenings and weekends.

FATHER'S REACTION TO TOM'S CANDIDACY
Scope and Content Note: “He would rather, I'm sure, that I'd thought differently, but he knew, of course, about my Progressive affiliations....” Anecdote about an old friend of Tom's father claiming Dan Grady had turned Tom's politics around when he was in Portage. “It was always kind of a friendly difference around the house. I don't know if he voted for me or not; he might have. I'm pretty sure my mother did. We got along all right anyway.”

WON ATTORNEY GENERAL RACE “AS THE RESULT OF.A FLUKE”
Scope and Content Note: Republicans had many candidates running in their primaries and the winners won because of their familiar last names, not their qualifications. Newspapers poked fun at the Republican ticket and the Democrats profited from this. Democratic lieutenant governor nominee came close to winning also. The Democratic-Republican coalition against the Progressives in 1938 elected John Martin attorney general and he was reelected each term through 1946. Before the 1948 elections, John Martin was appointed to the Supreme Court and his nephew, Don, ran for attorney general and won the Republican primary. Probably the Fairchild name was the difference which defeated Martin, while the other Republicans with familiar political names but questionable qualifications won, sometimes narrowly.

END OF TAPE 46, SIDE 2

INTRODUCTION

REPUBLICAN SUPPORT FOR FAIRCHILD IN 1948
Scope and Content Note: Delbert Kenney, who ran in the (1946) primary against Governor Goodland and who was “the leader of that wing of the Republican party, “ endorsed Fairchild very shortly before the general election.

FAIRCHILD FOR THE MOST PART CARRIED ONLY SOUTHEASTERN COUNTIES IN 1948
Scope and Content Note: Did run well in other counties.

ANECDOTE ABOUT PICKING UP SUPPORT FROM JANESVILLE REPUBLICAN ATTORNEYS

DONALD MARTIN'S REPRESENTATION OF LABOR UNIONS MAY ALSO HAVE CONTRIBUTED TO HIS BAD STANDING WITH MANY REPUBLICANS

THE 1948 FAIRCHILD CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Young lawyer friends of Fairchild in Milwaukee put out a one-sheet campaign piece showing the credentials of Fairchild and Martin, side by side. The Milwaukee Journal, in a Sunday edition, ran a copy of this campaign piece in a news story. “You can't buy that, I mean in terms of political impact.”

FAIRCHILD ELECTED DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEEMAN FROM SHOREWOOD IN 1948 PRIMARY; ONLY VOTE COUNTED WAS HIS WIFE'S ABSENTEE BALLOT

ANECDOTE ABOUT A CHILD IN HIS DAUGHTER'S FIRST GRADE CLASS SAYING “TODAY IS THE DAY WE ELECT SUSAN'S DADDY”
Scope and Content Note: Occurring as it did in Shorewood, this indicated Republican support.

INDICATIONS DURING THE CAMPAIGN THAT FAIRCHILD MIGHT WIN
Scope and Content Note: Anecdote about his mentioning to Jim Doyle well along in the campaign that he thought he could win. Doyle thought it was a case of “candidatitis.” Anecdote about a mid-October secret meeting with Ashland County Republican leaders.

MORE ON THE 1948 CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Anecdote about marathon evening of meetings. Fairchild was able to stick to his commitment of campaigning only evenings and weekends. Really had no choice, given the business-oriented law firm for which he worked. “I had to watch myself there.” “There was one point where somebody in that firm rather pointedly suggested that I could leave.”

AFTER HIS ELECTION, HE WAS APPOINTED TO FILL OUT THE UNEXPIRED TERM OF ATTORNEY GENERAL
Scope and Content Note: Grover Broadfoot had been appointed to fill out the term of John Martin when Martin was appointed to the Supreme Court. Broadfoot lost the primary to Donald Martin and was then appointed to another vacancy on the Supreme Court. Fairchild was approached then to see if he would accept appointment to finish the term which Broadfoot was unable to finish. “I discussed that with the people at Miller, Mack.... Well, by this time I had achieved a certain amount of respectability, and there was no problem there.” Some of the middle level partners at Miller, Mack and Fairchild actually made campaign contributions.

DOES NOT RECALL HIS INVOLVEMENT IN THE DOC CONSTITUTION COMMITTEE
Scope and Content Note: He was busy as attorney general and was still living in Shorewood.

DID SPEAK AT SOME LOCAL LEVEL DOC ORGANIZING MEETINGS
Scope and Content Note: Carl Thompson was indefatigable in this activity. “In a sense, I was kind of a showpiece, I suppose, just because of having been elected statewide.” Attempts to expand the local statutory committee into a larger, DOC unit. Recalls a meeting at Neshkoro where very little enthusiasm was shown.

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN MILWAUKEE, 1948-50
Scope and Content Note: Fairchild attended ward meetings, which were often small, except during campaigns. Often more conservative on some issues, but “regularly with the party ticket.” Different from the Dane County “University-oriented membership.”

END OF TAPE 47, SIDE 1

INTRODUCTION

MILWAUKEE DEMOCRATIC PARTY RELATIONSHIP WITH THE REST OF THE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Interested in a party that could win elections. Also interested in the “programs and principles which would be good for people generally.” Many active in the labor movement. A certain amount of “cleavage” between Dane County people and some outstate people and Milwaukee activists. This due in part to the traditional jealousy toward the metropolis. Dane County Democrats sometimes thought of themselves as intellectuals and thus looked down on some of the Milwaukee people. “My wife and I migrated back and forth between the Madison area and the Milwaukee area several times during our careers; and a good many times we've had to explain Madison people to Milwaukee people and vice versa.” The new people in Dane and Milwaukee got along pretty well. Milwaukeeans who had been elected to office prior to 1948 had “kind of a little bit of a distrust of some of these outstate people and vice versa. There was a gap to be bridged at times in terms of personalities, and I guess that's about it.”

FOUNDING CONVENTION OF DOC, 1949
Scope and Content Note: Issue of pre-primary endorsements is the only one that stands out in Fairchild's mind. Fairchild personally had mixed feelings about it.

FAILURE TO ENDORSE PRIOR TO THE PRIMARY “HAD A COST”
Scope and Content Note: For example, while the 1950 four war primary for the Democratic senatorial nomination showed interest in the party, the candidates were jockeying for support “and you take positions in a primary that maybe...aren't the ones that you ought to be emphasizing in terms of the final election....” Further, the period between the primary election and the general election in Wisconsin is a very short period in which” to heal any wounds created during the primary. It is also “a short period in which to build up a presentation that you want to make to the general electorate as distinguished from the people that you ask to support you in the primary.” It is also a short period in which to seek financial support.

1950 SENATORIAL PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Fairchild, having been elected to statewide office in 1948, had a name which “was an asset of the state Democratic Party; and, in my view, that asset could have been better used. I think maybe it would have been best used if I'd run for attorney general again.... If I have a regret, that's one of them....” On the other hand, without any Democrat in a more prominent office, the odds of winning reelection as attorney general were not that good. This had a role in his decision to run for the U.S. Senate. “And there were the four of us, as I say, out beating our chests on the campaign hustings and saying how great that we've got four viable candidates. But there was a cost to it.”

1952 DEMOCRATIC SENATORIAL PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: This was different from 1950; Joe McCarthy was not just another Republican. “This was a moral, as well as a political, issue.” Conversations in the fall of 1951 about who should “shoulder this burden, who would have the best...chance to carry this election. There was a meeting at which there was general agreement that the first opportunity should go to Bob La Follette.” La Follette was not interested. “There was not a further kind of organizational effort to put somebody in the field. And this all has non-endorsement lurking in the background.” Henry Reuss announced his candidacy in late 1951. Fairchild was, at the time, a U.S. attorney. He would therefore have to give up his job if he bacame a candidate. He had recently moved to Verona. He still had some campaign debts from 1950. “And I simply could not afford to get into a campaign without some kind of assurance that this was the right thing to do.” In May 1952 he decided “that this was not the right thing to do, and so said, and took myself out of it.” Changed his mind by the end of June. Close primary. Eleanor Roosevelt was arriving in Milwaukee the day after the primary. Fairchild left Madison for Milwaukee to meet her at the depot not knowing whether he had won the primary or not. One cost of non-endorsement in the 1952 senatorial primary was that people outside Wisconsin who wanted to contribute money toward McCarthy's defeat gave much of their contributions to Len Schmitt in the Republican primary because the Democrats did not have a single candidate in their primary. McCarthy's impressive victory in the primary over Schmitt discouraged campaign contributors.

1952 GENERAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: After the primary, Fairchild's chances seemed very poor. Toward the end of the campaign, his chances looked better and campaign contributions increased considerably, but too late. The campaign received late money which could not be spent in the time remaining. “And that's a tragedy.”

EARLY CAMPAIGN FINANCES
Scope and Content Note: Fairchild personally spent six hundred dollars on his 1948 campaign and others spent about the same on his behalf. In 1950, he spent about twenty-five hundred dollars personally, and about thirty thousand dollars was spent on the combined gubernatorial-senatorial campaigns. In 1952, he again personally spent about twenty-five hundred dollars, and about sixty-five thousand dollars was spent on the “Fairchild for Senator” campaign all told. A considerable amount of the sixty-five thousand was late money, some of which was turned over to the “Proxmire for Governor” campaign and some was used for the campaign debts of a candidate in Indiana. “It was just too late to be spent for its main objective, which was the defeat of McCarthy.”

MORE ON 1952 GENERAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: By the close of the campaign, it looked as though he might have a chance to win. Feels the turning point came from a speech made by McCarthy rather than anything the Fairchild campaign did.

END OF TAPE 47, SIDE 2

INTRODUCTION

MORE ON THE 1952 GENERAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: In early October he was discouraged, but soon thereafter he started receiving support from people he did not know. A woman wrote to say she was organizing a “Republicans for Fairchild” group. The turning point came in mid-October when McCarthy made a speech attacking Adlai Stevenson, implying that Stevenson was taking some unAmerican positions and that some of Stevenson's advisors and campaign workers were UnAmerican. “And he said, 'Of course, I am not really saying that Governor Stevenson is unAmerican, but...it is just some of these people that are advising him, some of his campaign workers.' And he said, 'I would just love to be able to climb up on that campaign train with a slippery elm club and beat some Americanism into those guys,' words to that effect.... This idea of beating Americanism into people with a club, somehow sparked some feeling that maybe this wasn't just purely a political approach to things and that this didn't deserve support and that the opposition to McCarthy did deserve support.... I would say that the vote in November was considerably more favorable to me than it would have been had the election been held before he made that speech.”

FAIRCHILD'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST McCARTHY
Scope and Content Note: The type of campaign to run was a difficult decision. No one knew how many normally Democratic voters were accepting McCarthy's anti-communism. “So I made the choice and I campaigned as basically a liberal Democrat, except that there were speeches directed specifically at opposition to the McCarthy methods....” Stressed economic issues and yet in every speech promised “to be for American principles and against any kind of disloyalty, but that any efforts in that direction had to be carried out strictly in accordance with American principles of justice, the fightcommunism-in-the-courtroom type of...approach, rather than attack by accusation and innuendo.”

FAIRCHILD'S DECISION TO RUN FOR SENATOR IN 1952
Scope and Content Note: After his announcement in May that he was not running, he went to a meeting in Washington, D.C., of U.S. attorneys and “I kept getting in conversations with just anybody...'what are you doing out there about this guy McCarthy?' And I said, 'Well, we're going to try to defeat him.' But that kept kind of coming back with another edge on it to me. 'What are you doing about it?' and, of course, I was doing nothing.... And this began to disturb me more than it had previously.” Returned to Wisconsin in early June feeling maybe he had made the wrong decision. “Maybe I had to do it.” Gaylord Nelson and Warrren Sawall were the individuals who had the most to do with changing his mind. They spent hours in his office trying to convince him to run. “I also got calls from people I am not going to name, people who said they would welcome his candidacy, but who publically would remain loyal to Reuss.” Former Progressive Ralph Immell encouraged him to run. Immell predicted that Taft or Eisenhower would receive the Republican nomination. Taft would not carry Wisconsin and Eisenhower would repudiate McCarthy. Either circumstance would benefit Fairchild's candidacy. Shortly thereafter Immell called from the Republican convention advising Fairchild not to run, claiming that his previous adivce had been to run only if Taft got the nomination. Fairchild, who had already announced his candidacy, interpreted Immell's call to mean that Immell had received information at the convention that Eisenhower would not repudiate McCarthy. “And, of course, that's the way it went. Eisenhower did not disavow McCarthy. And obviously that would have made a considerable difference.”

MORE ON THE 1952 CAMPAIGN AGAINST McCARTHY
Scope and Content Note: Fairchild's wife campaigned for him, usually travelling with Democratic candidate for state treasurer, Ruth Doyle. they attended many women's functions. Republican women would express abhorrence of McCarthy's methods, “'but we have to support him.... We owe him our support; he gave us our issue.' Or, they would say, 'Well, we can't stand his methods; but the party can take care of him, when he gets back.' And, of course, somebody took care of him” after the Army-McCarthy hearings. Fairchild feels the Republican Party'had decided that Eisenhower needed McCarthy in order to win, but the results in Wisconsin showed that “they were underselling Eisenhower and overestimating McCarthy.” Eisenhower could have won repudiating McCarthy and Fairchild probably would then have defeated McCarthy.

ARGUMENTS USED TO CONVINCE FAIRCHILD TO RUN FOR SENATOR
Scope and Content Note: Mainly that his chances of winning were better than Reuss', having been previously elected attorney general “on a somewhat bipartisan basis,” having made a good senatorial race two years previously, and having made contacts as attorney general.

MORE ON 1952 DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Limited in terms of time and money. Made as many appearances as possible. Was campaigning in Milwaukee the Sunday before the primary and became convinced that Reuss was winning. Scraped up enough money to buy a half hour of time on the Milwaukee Journal's television station that Sunday evening. His wife and four children appeared on the show with him. His youngest child was only three years old and he got tired of the show and started to cry. His wife exited the set with the child. The next morning he was at Milwaukee plant gates, “and I can't tell you how many times I was recognized by people by saying 'Oh, we know you; it was your little boy that cried on television.'”

END OF TAPE 48, SIDE 1

INTRODUCTION

MORE ON THE 1952 DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Reuss carried Milwaukee County; vote pretty well split otherwise.

MORE ON 1950 DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Impressive interest amongst candidates in the senatorial primary because of the Truman victory in 1948 and the good showing of Democrats in other statewide races in 1948. Sanderson had considerable labor support.

1950 GENERAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: “The Korean disaster really mounted during 1950” and “one of my friends said, 'You weren't defeated by the votes, you were defeated by the Chinese soldiers.'”

MORE ON 1950 DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Without much money, the key factor was newspaper publicity. Candidates tried to make statements which would not only reflect their positions and sell well to supporters, but also grab the attention of the newpapers. Many speeches, each accompanied by a press release. In 1950, “we very largely campaigned together,” attending DOC picnics and the like. Would draw lots to see what order they would speak in, “and it was a tough row to hoe if you were fourth because the thing that you'd picked as your release for the day might be picked off by one of the other candidates. At the end of that campaign I could have given Sanderson's speech, Hoan's speech, or Dilweg's speech, and they probably could have given mine.” Anecdote about Hoan using paper as a prop in his speech; once, being without a handy sheet of paper, he grabbed Sanderson's speech. Little differentiation on the issues. Primary fought largely “in terms of credentials.”

MORE ON 1952 DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Each tried to state their strengths and “about what our challenge was to the McCarthy methods.... I don't believe that there were many instances where we drew issues between ourselves.”

FAIRCHILD'S TERM AS ATTORNEY GENERAL
Scope and Content Note: “As attorney general, I put out opinions which made more campaign propaganda against me than you would imagine.” Unpopular opinions on local option; on released time for religious instruction in which he took the separation of church and state point of view; in opposition to use of public school buses for transportation of parochial school children; in opposition to an American Dairy Association plan to tax farmers for advertising; and “the killer,” in opposition to the lottery aspects of the radio show “Stop the Music.” People took this latter decision so seriously that some even wrote it on their paper ballots.

FINAL COMMENTS ON THE 1952 GENERAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: “It was a very deeply felt sort of a decision. It took a lot of soul-searching because I didn't want just to run in order to run. That was the last thing in my mind. I felt that Henry Reuss was my friend and I didn't want to run against him. I knew it would cause a certain amount of problem momentarily.... I wasn't interested in running just in the sense of gaining an office.... It was a difficult decision to make, but it just seemed as if this was something one had to do to live with himself.” Because he had to give up his job in order to run, he had no income during the campaign. Mortgaged his car in 1950 and again in 1952; increased the mortgage on his home in 1952. During the campaign, he would meet people who would contribute to his home expenses rather than to his campaign. “You keep that in your heart, too.” Other heartwarming aspects of the campaign.

“JOE MUST GO” MOVEMENT
Scope and Content Note: He was consulted, but was not active in the sense of circulating petitions and the like. He did discuss the legal ramifications, given the fact that “the senate itself is the judge of the qualifications of the members of the senate.” “Joe Must Go” incorporated and was found guilty of using corporate funds for political purposes by the circuit court, but this was overturned by the state supreme court. Did not lend his name to the movement.

AFTER 1952 ELECTION, FAIRCHILD RETURNED TO LAW PRACTICE IN MILWAUKEE
Scope and Content Note: Fairchild, Charne, and Kops. He was made a full partner and his name was listed first from the time he joined the firm.

ELECTION TO WISCONSIN SUPREME COURT IN 1956 TO SUCCEED HIS FATHER
Scope and Content Note: Used to drive his father to his New York farm each summer. “I think maybe that that idea of the supreme court candidacy got hatched...while we were driving along through the countryside.” Father was favorable to this candidacy. Father was ineligible by law for re-election because of his age.

END OF TAPE 48, SIDE 2

INTRODUCTION

MORE ON DECISION TO RUN FOR THE SUPREME COURT
Scope and Content Note: Decision made in the summer of 1955. Tested the waters by writing many letters to many different people, despite their politics. Received many favorable responses.

PARTY ACTIVITY BETWEEN 1952 ELECTION AND SUPREME COURT CANDIDACY
Scope and Content Note: Had maintained party membership and attended conventions. At the 1954 convention he served on the committee to draft the party's platform plank on foreign affairs. Tried to work some kind of recognition of China into the platform; was able to include a weak mention. Ironic that Richard Nixon could establish relations with China, “but a Democrat couldn't even say they were for it.”

APPOINTED U.S. APPEALS JUDGE AFTER HIS REELECTION TO THE WISCONSIN SUPREME COURT BUT BEFORE HIS FIRST TERM HAD ACTUALLY EXPIRED (AUGUST 1966)
Scope and Content Note: District appeals court judges in the seventh circuit are distributed amongst Illinois, Wisconsin, and Indiana, with an understanding that Illinois would have more than the other two states. Wisconsin usually had one of the eight judges. The appointment was made without any difficulty.

SIGNIFICANT DECISIONS WHILE HE WAS ON THE WISCONSIN SUPREME COURT
Scope and Content Note: During his term the court became “somewhat favorable to more recovery by the plaintiff.” He was the lone dissenter in a late 1950s decision to affirm a lower court decision that trade unions could not be sued for discriminating on the basis of race. “Considering the trend of the law since 1958, that wasn't such an outlandish position to take. And that's one that I am just as happy to have written.”

THE “SHOESTRING” CAMPAIGNS OF THE DEMOCRATS IN THE 1940s AND 1950s

MORE ON OPINIONS AS ATTORNEY GENERAL
Scope and Content Note: During the 1950 campaign, advised Governor Rennebohm that a local government could establish rent control. This was unpopular in Milwaukee. Recalls speaking to a labor union meeting and quoting a labor leader who had said “that I was too damned honest for politics. So I tried to make that into a success-gaining sort of thing.”

IMPORTANT PEOPLE IN THE REFORMATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: In addition to those mentioned already--Carl Thompson, Gaylord Nelson, Horace Wilkie, Jim Doyle, Ruth Doyle--also important were Pat Lucey, Bill Duffy, Clem Zablocki, Henry Reuss, Bob Tehan, Bill Proxmire, John Reynolds (who was an intern in the attorney general's office when Fairchild was elected to that position), Nat Heffernan, Henry Maier, Jerry Fox, Ben Saltzstein, Eppie Lederer (Ann Landers).

BEN SALTZSTEIN “WAS A BULWARK” IN THE FUNDRAISING AREA

ANECDOTE ABOUT A MILWAUKEE DENTIST WHO PROVIDED THE FAIRCHILD FAMILY FREE DENTAL CARE AFTER THE 1952 ELECTION

GREAT HELP GIVEN TO WISCONSIN DEMOCRATS BY HUBERT HUMPHREY DURING THE FORMATIVE PERIOD

END OF INTERVIEW