KYLE FARM
Scope and Content Note: J.K. Kyle born on September 9, 1903 in town of Lima, Rock county. Lived on farm until 1917 when father retired and moved to Whitewater.

EARLY FARM POWER
Scope and Content Note: No indoor plumbing or machinery. Father purchased gasoline engine to operate cream separator several years before retirement.

DAIRY PRODUCTION
Scope and Content Note: Sold cream, first to privately owned butter factory two miles away, then to Whitewater factory four miles away. Union Produce Company milk plant later used own wagons to collect cream, cooled in water tank, two or three times weekly. Remembers no cooperative dairy plants in immediate area.

KYLE FARM
Scope and Content Note: Dairy operation with 20-25 hand-milked Jersey cows, which father began to register with American Jersey Cattle Association. Also raised sheep. 174 acres of which 114 part of home farm. Hauled hay and produce from grandfather's 60 acres one mile south.

FARM MACHINERY
Scope and Content Note: No tractors. Recalls change in threshing oats. Threshing rigs sometimes owned by groups of farmers, but usually private operators who first used steam engine requiring tank water wagon and three-man crew. Change to gasoline engine cut work considerably.

CROPS; MARKETING WHEAT AND WOOL
Scope and Content Note: Oats, hay, corn, occasionally wheat as cash crop. Wheat sold through mill in Whitewater; wool buyers there.

LIVESTOCK MARKETING
Scope and Content Note: Informal marketing arrangement; no Equity marketing cooperative in area until about 1917.

FARM BUILDINGS
Scope and Content Note: Small farmhouse; four boys in one bedroom. Conventionally sized barn. Cement-stave silo, although father distrusted documents and reluctant to sign contract for its construction. More substantial sheep barn with hay mow built when Kyle was six years old. Machinery stored between double corncrib. Also hog shed, chicken house, and granary with lean-to shed.

FARM HOUSE
Scope and Content Note: No running water or central heating. Used well near barn and outdoor cistern for drinking water. Iron wood stove in kitchen and stove in dining room between kitchen and parlor. Dining room doubled as family living room.

DAIRYING
Scope and Content Note: House had no summer kitchen; skimming and separating done in barn.

ILLUMINATION; HOUSEHOLD CHORES
Scope and Content Note: Kerosene lamps in house, lanterns in barn. Boys helped with household chores.

GARDEN/ORCHARD
Scope and Content Note: Garden plots between trees in one-acre orchard. Pear trees, grapevines, and berry bushes. Mother had separate flower garden; boys responsible for upkeep of orchard and garden.

FARM CHORES
Scope and Content Note: Kyle, who did little heavy work like younger brother, left farm at age 14, with no desire to return.

EDUCATION OF KYLE AND HIS BROTHERS AND SISTER
Scope and Content Note: Rode four miles in buggy daily to Whitewater school until eighth grade. Kyle only sibling to attend four-year university at UW-Madison, where he started in journalism and switched to economics after taking business course at Whitewater Normal School. Two oldest brothers failed to complete high school; third went into banking; youngest brother and sister both graduated from normal school and became teachers.

KYLE FAMILY IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle's great-grandfather brought from Ulster to Wisconsin by his children. Kyle's mother born in Ulster; father first married to his mother's sister. Three boys and three girls in father's family. Many Kyles in Lima township; also many Godfreys. Most Kyles eventually left Lima, while many Godfreys stayed.

ENCOURAGEMENT TO CONTINUE EDUCATION
Scope and Content Note: Read little at home; ambition for education due to inspiration of schools and encouragement of mother.

NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES IN KYLE FAMILY
Scope and Content Note: Received Chicago daily paper for information on hog market; also read Youth Companion and occasionally Wisconsin Agriculturist and Hoard's Dairyman.

IDEAS FOR FARM IMPROVEMENTS
Scope and Content Note: Most ideas from neighbors; little information from county agent.

LIMA PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH
Scope and Content Note: Non-resident pastor from Carroll College, Waukesha, held services every other week. Few Presbyterians outside town of Lima.

FATHER'S POLITICS
Scope and Content Note: Like most neighbors, William J. Kyle basically a Stalwart Republican.

ANECDOTE ABOUT KYLE'S PRIMARY CAMPAIGN FOR STATE LEGISLATURE IN
Scope and Content Note: Recalls concern about father's reaction when he ran as progressive Republican; both parents, however, supported him and father campaigned actively. Mother wrote letter to local newspaper editor Robert Coe, who had accused Kyle of being “Cottonized” by progressive teacher Joseph R. Cotton at Whitewater normal college.

FATHER'S CAREER AS A PROGRESSIVE REPUBLICAN
Scope and Content Note: Progressive leaders in 1928 looking for candidate in hopeless election after turning down a woman; Kyle's father at age 81 agreed to run.

CHARACTERIZATION OF PROGRESSIVE REPUBLICANS UP TO
Scope and Content Note: Progressives were La Follette supporters; Stalwarts supported such Republicans on national ticket as Harding, Coolidge and Charles Evans Hughes, and Emanuel Philipp on state ticket. Scandinavians usually progressive; Germans gravitated toward progressives because of La Follette's anti-war stance.

POLITICS IN KYLE'S NEIGHBORHOOD
Scope and Content Note: Most in neighborhood originally from England, Ireland, or New England, and basically quite conservative.

HOW JACK KYLE BECOMES A LA FOLLETTE SUPPORTER
Scope and Content Note: Early supported Woodrow Wilson's idealism and opposed La Follette anti-war position. Influenced partially by progressive teachers Jesse M. Tice and Joseph R. Cotton, but influenced mostly by farmer Horace Millis, a progressive Republican with whom Kyle never won an argument about La Follette's anti-war stand.

PROGRESSIVE TEACHERS AT WHITEWATER NORMAL
Scope and Content Note: Cotton, who taught speech, and Tice, penmanship and commercial law, both considered “outlaws” in Whitewater; progressive politics regarded as akin to radicalism. Kyle's progressive leanings strengthened at UW-Madison.

HELPS ORGANIZE BRANCH OF YOUNG MEN'S PROGRESSIVE ASSOCIATION (YMPA)
Scope and Content Note: Organized mainly at Whitewater normal to prepare for 1924 election, met at city hall. Recalls how seniors wanted names removed from association rolls before graduation to help get jobs. YMPA had branches in Washburn and Madison, in which Kyle became an officer.

YMPA BRANCH AT WASHBURN
Scope and Content Note: Formed because of Congressman Humbert Peavey's aggressive son Lynn, later a newspaperman for Capital Times and Milwaukee Sentinel.

AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY IN LIMA AREA
Scope and Content Note: William Kyle did not participate in Equity buying club, a purchasing organization for farmers, which held monthly meetings. Many Equity club members joined Midland Cooperative in mid-1930s.

REASON FOR LACK OF ENTHUSIASM IN EQUITY
Scope and Content Note: George Nelson and Barney Gehrmann, both liberals, later in 1920's and 1930's tried unsuccessfully to save Equity. J.N. Tittemore of Winnebago county, president of Equity, in 1918 ran for governor against Philipp and again in 1920. Tittemore bitterly condemned for using Equity position to further personal political ambitions; efforts by Nelson and Gehrmann unable to save the discredited organization. Tittemore later became stalwart Republican and appointed U.S. Marshal for eastern district of Wisconsin.

COMMENTS ON GEORGE NELSON
Scope and Content Note: Member of the liberal wing of Equity; progressive legislator; socialist candidate for vice-president in 1936. Helped merge Equity and Wisconsin Farmers' Union in 1934.

FARMERS' ORGANIZATIONS LEARN FROM EQUITY'S EXAMPLE
Scope and Content Note: Midland Cooperative and Farmers Union leaders later avoided personal political involvement, by remembering how Tittemore's ambitions helped to destroy the Equity.

NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE MEMBERS IN LIMA AREA
Scope and Content Note: Recalls none.

GEORGE NELSON'S SUPPORT FOR THE LA FOLLETTES
Scope and Content Note: Supportive in 1920's, but in 1930's considered La Follette too conservative.

MORE COMMENTS ON GEORGE NELSON
Scope and Content Note: Nelson in late 1920's elected speaker of state legislature in special session. Completely devoted to liberal cause, genuinely interested in legislative work. Recalls last seeing Nelson in 1950's.

FARMER AND LABOR SUPPORT FOR LA FOLLETTE
Scope and Content Note: Farmers the “original progressives;” Milwaukee voted socialist in 1910's and 1920's. When labor did turn progressive, no conflict with rural interests; both wanted decent living conditions and bargaining power.

YMPA
Scope and Content Note: YMPA “never amounted to much of anything;” a little left of mainstream. Members did volunteer work at headquarters; most young men at UW campus apolitical.

KYLE CAMPAIGNS FOR LA FOLLETTE IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Most Wisconsin progressive leaders campaigning outside of state. YMPA secretary Bill Blake charged that stalwart Republicans “buying” UW-Madison debaters, and leaked story to Capital Times. Blake-volunteered YMPA began to counter stalwart efforts by campaigning in nearby towns and acquired name of progressive “Flying Squad.”

ROBERT LA FOLLETTE, SR. SPEAKS AT STATE CAPITOL
Scope and Content Note: Kyle met Old Bob; heard him thank his workers on east steps of Capitol at end of 1924 campaign.

MEMBERS OF YMPA AND ITS FLYING SQUAD
Scope and Content Note: “Flying Squad” included Bill Blake, Ralph Axley, George Fiedler, and Kyle. Other YMPA members included Sam Levitan, Fred Axley, John Ekern, Clarence Albrecht, Erwin Voight, Lynn Peavey. About 25 YMPA members at UW-Madison, 12 at Washburn, and 12 at Whitewater.

JEWISH SUPPORT FOR LA FOLLETTE
Scope and Content Note: Support for YMPA from liberal eastern Jews in proportion to number of other students on the campus.

YMPA SUPPORT FROM DAILY CARDINAL
Scope and Content Note: Helped to publicize YMPA. Kyle provided Daily Cardinal information about Whitewater Normal College president F.S. Hyer during Cotton hearings.

COMMENTS ON BILL EVJUE AND CAPITAL TIMES DURING
Scope and Content Note: Kyle worked for Evjue as part-time secretary in 1924 while student; did some legislative reporting in 1925 and 1929. Evjue had very close ties to Old Bob, but critical of Governor Blaine, a wet. Feels Evjue often harmed progressives by attacking them while in office, though supported them during election campaign. Supportive of YMPA.

FARMER SUPPORT FOR LA FOLLETTE
Scope and Content Note: Basic La Follette support from farmers.

ANTI-GERMAN FEELING IN KYLE'S NEIGHBORHOOD DURING WORLD WAR I
Scope and Content Note: Bitter antagonism toward German Lutheran minister; many felt he was pro-German and anti-American. World War I gave impetus for some Germans leaving their church and joining Norwegian Lutheran congregation. Few serious incidents during war; special efforts to sell war bonds to Germans. No particularly pro-German groups. Many German immigrants pro-German, not anti-American.

KYLE'S POST-WAR DISILLUSIONMENT
Scope and Content Note: Somewhat disillusioned, but not influenced by such writers as Hemingway or Fitzgerald.

KU KLUX KLAN (KKK) IN WHITEWATER AREA
Scope and Content Note: Active in Whitewater area prior to 1924; peaked in 1924-1925. La Follette stand against KKK lost him some support. KKK leadership not “best” people. Kyle out of curiosity attended some KKK meetings.

KKK PARADE IN MADISON
Scope and Content Note: Recalls uniformed parade around Capitol Square in fall 1924; gone in Whitewater area by 1928 election.

KKK INVOLVEMENT IN WALWORTH COUNTY
Scope and Content Note: Gilbertson, a tire dealer and a “dry,” backed KKK-supported candidate for sheriff, and was named a deputy. Gilbertson's bruised body later found; KKK members turned out in full regalia at funeral.

MORE ON KKK IN WHITEWATER AREA
Scope and Content Note: Made pretense of Americanism; railed against Catholics, Jews, and Negroes. No Negroes and few Jews in area so most activity directed against Catholics.

ANECDOTE ABOUT KKK SCATTERING TACKS ON ROAD
Scope and Content Note: Excuse for assailing Catholics.

TYPICAL KLANSMAN
Scope and Content Note: Some educated, but mostly lower class.

PROGRESSIVES OPPOSE KKK
Scope and Content Note: La Follette led opposition to KKK; Governor Blaine publicly criticized Klan.

DEMOCRATS IN WHITEWATER AREA
Scope and Content Note: Democrats constituted tiny minority; party membership about 90 percent Irish Catholic. Occasional Democrat in state legislature after 1920.

UW-MADISON STUDENT INTERESTS DURING
Scope and Content Note: Most students concerned with fraternities and various activities. Recalls election to class presidency of Harold Groves, later a liberal economics professor, who as independent defeated fraternity candidate. Little student interest in issues from 1925-1926 to early-1930's.

DEBATING AT UW-MADISON
Scope and Content Note: Kyle joined Athena Literary Society, a men's debating club, and elected president.

FOOTBALL AT UW-MADISON
Scope and Content Note: Less commercial than in 1970's, but very important.

KYLE'S REACTION TO UW-MADISON
Scope and Content Note: No problem adjusting despite rural background.

UW-MADISON COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE
Scope and Content Note: Conservative faculty, except when Chris L. Christiansen was dean.

KYLE'S POLITICAL CONTACTS WITH FARMERS
Scope and Content Note: Met liberal farm leaders during political activity 1928-1932.

COMMENTS ON JOHN SCHUMANN, WATERTOWN
Scope and Content Note: Met progressive Senator Schumann, very active in producer-cooperative movement, while a legislative clerk. Schumann, like Herman Severson, an independent who often rejected Governor Blaine's leadership.

COMMENTS ON JOHN CASHMAN, DENMARK
Scope and Content Note: Progressive legislator in 1920's and 1930's not aligned with Schumann-Severson group. As legislator and UW regent, very critical of UW and College of Agriculture. Harsh personality, anti-birth control; an outspoken “wet” who supported Blaine while Severson drafted prohibition bill.

MORE ON J.D. MILLAR
Scope and Content Note: Blaine supporter; doesn't recall whether Millar “wet” or “dry.”

PROGRESSIVE ATTITUDE TOWARD PROHIBITION
Scope and Content Note: Many progressives felt prohibition not an economic issue, and deplored the emphasis Blaine placed on it.

COMMENTS ON OTHER FARMERS INVOLVED IN POLITICS
Scope and Content Note: Bernard (Barney) Gehrmann in assembly, later in senate; Joseph Beck of Viroqua; Arthur Hitt of Alma.

COMMENTS ON ARTHUR HITT
Scope and Content Note: Former vocational teacher in Milwaukee, later a Buffalo county farmer. Studious, sincere, and honest legislator, although a little unorganized. Later a lobbyist for Wisconsin Farmers' Union.

COMMENTS ON BARNEY GEHRMANN
Scope and Content Note: Followed George Nelson as Equity president; in 1934 replaced Congressman Peavey who ran as a Republican. Gehrmann later defeated by “adventurer” Alvin O'Konski.

COMMENTS ON GEORGE SCHMIDT, TREMPEALEAU COUNTY
Scope and Content Note: Respected progressive leader in mid-1920's.

OTHER FARMER LEADERS IN LEGISLATURE
Scope and Content Note: Erick H. Johnson of Burnett county; James C. Hanson and Carl M. Grimstad, both of Dane county always solid progressive assemblymen.

IMPORTANCE OF PROHIBITION TO PROGRESSIVE POLITICIANS
Scope and Content Note: Beck basically “wet” but ignored prohibition issue. Herman L. Ekern, 1926 progressive candidate, was a “dry” who also ignored the issue. Kyle as progressive candidate for assembly in 1926 avoided prohibition issue by agreeing to abide by results of Walworth county referendum.

FARMER-RELATED POLITICAL ISSUES IN
Scope and Content Note: Farmers wanted less taxes in property and more on income; pressed for state agriculture department efforts for programs to eliminate brucellosis and tuberculosis.

FARMER-LABOR RELATIONS IN
Scope and Content Note: Some farmers distrusted labor, but feeling began to develop that both were producers with common cause. Labor more active than farmers in trying to establish common ground; farmers felt labor in better position and not particularly interested in helping agriculture. Labor got occasional bills passed in farmer-dominated legislatures.

LABOR LEADERSHIP COOPERATES WITH FARMERS
Scope and Content Note: Harry Ohl and Jack Handley cooperated with farmers, but socialist legislators from Milwaukee most important in cooperating with farmer-legislators.

WISCONSIN FARMERS' UNION COOPERATION WITH LABOR
Scope and Content Note: Tolerant attitude towards labor.

COMMENTS ON HENRY RUTZ
Scope and Content Note: Involved in workers' education and got Wisconsin Farmers' Union interested in rural workers education. Too blunt to be effective in building closer farmer-labor cooperation.

JAKE FRIEDRICH AS BUILDER OF FARMER-LABOR COOPERATION
Scope and Content Note: Won farmers' confidence.

FARM GROUPS SUPPORT FARMER-LABOR PROGRESSIVE FEDERATION (FLPF)
Scope and Content Note: Wisconsin Farmers' Union (WFU) most supportive of FLPF through early-1940's by which time Farmers' Holiday Association and Wisconsin Cooperative Milk Pool had disappeared.

COMMENTS ON KENNETH HONES
Scope and Content Note: Hones elected president of Wisconsin Farmers' Union in 1934. Controversial figure; although sincere often his own worst enemy. Frequently jealousy of directors and staff caused continual organizational strife.

HONES COOPERATES WITH LABOR
Scope and Content Note: Outstanding cooperator with Wisconsin organized labor. Worked well with such labor leaders as Ohl and Handley.

HONES AN EFFECTIVE LOBBYIST
Scope and Content Note: Frequently in Washington to support dairy legislation, especially while on executive committee of National Farmers' Educational and Cooperative Union of America. Sincere, aggressive, and effective lobbyist.

HONES SUPPORTS ROBERT LA FOLLETTE, JR
Scope and Content Note: Worked closely with Bob; instrumental in helping form FLPF to increase influence on La Follette. FLPF comprised of state labor, Farmers' Union, and socialist representatives.

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN LIBERAL AND CONSERVATIVE FARMER SPOKESMEN
Scope and Content Note: Economic and political philosophies differed. Hones a liberal; Wisconsin Council of Agriculture (WCA) leaders usually conservative except on special farmer issues. WCA representatives often cooperative managers interested in acquiring personal power, failing to act in farmers' best interests.

FARMER-LABOR RELATIONS IN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle executive secretary of Wisconsin Labor Relations Board established by Wisconsin's little Wagner Act. Effects of act feared by milk processing plants; their cause taken up by WCA. In 1938 more moderate labor relations legislation sponsored by WCA, which made for uneasy farmer-labor relations.

PAUL WEIS AND WISCONSIN DAIRYLAND NEWS
Scope and Content Note: Weis editor of Wisconsin Dairyland News, Milk Pool publication. As Milk Pool declined, Weis turned Wisconsin Dairyland News into propaganda organ for Republicans, especially gubernatorial candidate Julius Heil, who favored repeal of little Wagner Act. After Heil defeated Phil La Follette, Weis rewarded with appointment to state department of health.

WISCONSIN FARMERS' UNION ATTITUDE TOWARD WISCONSIN EMPLOYMENT PEACE BILL
Scope and Content Note: Opposed.

SPONSORSHIP OF WISCONSIN EMPLOYMENT PEACE BILL
Scope and Content Note: WCA not sole sponsor; bill drafted by Milwaukee corporate law firm and supported by Wisconsin Manufacturers' Association and Wisconsin State Chamber of Commerce.

HEARINGS ON WISCONSIN EMPLOYMENT PEACE BILL
Scope and Content Note: Recalls assemblyman Vernon Thomsen publicly criticized Kyle for disseminating misinformation about creamery strike at Richland Center.

ANTAGONISM BETWEEN PRODUCER AND CONSUMER COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: Consumers inclined to be liberal, while influential cooperative managers tend to be conservative. Issue of labor association relatively unimportant.

CENTRAL COOPERATIVE WHOLESALE NOT CONSIDERED RADICAL
Scope and Content Note: Doubts whether Central Cooperative Wholesale (CCW) seen as too radical. Some Finnish communists members of CCW but issue not relevant.

INFLUENCE OF JOHN PETER WARBASSE
Scope and Content Note: Writings had little influence among the few farmers who had ever heard of him.

REASONS FOR IMPORTANCE OF PRIMARY ELECTIONS IN WISCONSIN IN AND
Scope and Content Note: With advent of Robert La Follette around 1900 and demise of Democratic party, major political battles fought in primary elections between stalwart and progressive Republicans. Continual struggle within Republican party for control of central committee, platforms, and legislative policy. Liberal Democrats tended to support La Follette since Democratic party a hopeless minority until 1932.

AREAS OF DEMOCRATIC STRENGTH IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Conservative Democratic areas in lakeshore region of Milwaukee and Green Bay. Democrats had brief resurgence in 1914 when Paul O. Rusting of Mayville elected Senator because of split within progressive ranks between former governor Francis McGovern and La Follette.

STRENGTH OF SOCIALISTS IN MILWAUKEE DURING
Scope and Content Note: Socialist strength in Milwaukee peaked during World War I, but remained important in 1920's. Drew support from labor and German population; during 1920's regularly elected party members to state legislature. Recalls how party augmented legislative salaries for members because of low legislative pay.

SOCIALISTS SUPPORT PROGRESSIVES IN STATE LEGISLATURE
Scope and Content Note: Despite potential division between ideology and pragmatism, socialists were well-disciplined; generally supported progressives.

KYLE MEETS LA FOLLETTE BROTHERS THROUGH YMPA
Scope and Content Note: Worked with YMPA in Whitewater and Madison after reading about it in Capital Times. See also 2:1, 23:15.

YMPA “FLYING SQUAD” CAMPAIGNS FOR LA FOLLETTE IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Note: See also 2:1, 15:30.

KYLE MEETS PROGRESSIVE PARTY LEADERS DURING CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: YMPA activities gave Kyle opportunity to meet many progressive party leaders.

KYLE CAMPAIGNS FOR BOB LA FOLLETTE, JR. IN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle asked to campaign in small towns for Young Bob's 1928 campaign.

KYLE'S UNIVERSITY EDUCATION
Scope and Content Note: Economics degree from University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1928; took law degree in Washington, D.C. a decade later.

CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle assistant campaign manager who began on the day following graduation from University of Wisconsin in 1928, after having worked for state legislature two semesters in 1925 and 1927. Stalwarts and progressives fought over delegates to presidential convention; progressives backed slate headed by Senator George Norris.

CAMPAIGN MANAGERS
Scope and Content Note: Lawyer Leonard Sheehan managed spring presidential primary campaign; Sam Sigman ran Young Bob's September campaign.

ANECDOTE ABOUT SAM SIGMAN
Scope and Content Note: Sincere and dedicated liberal, although long-winded. Recalls Sigman gave less than inspirational speech in Iowa county; first interrupted and finally stopped by temporary chairman Chris Ellington.

PROGRESSIVE PARTY ORGANIZATION FOR CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Young Bob had chaired State Central Committee since 1922, but no continuous headquarters maintained in Wisconsin after he went to Washington. Party loosely organized; list of supporters rarely up-to-date.

KYLE RESPONSIBLE FOR PRECINCT ORGANIZATION
Scope and Content Note: Kept “black book” with lists of dependable people in every precinct except Milwaukee. Kyle tried to keep black book current; tried to establish progressive organization in every precinct, but rarely succeeded.

ISSUES IN CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Industrialist George Mead ran against Bob, who as freshman senator had maintained low profile. Presidential election the real issue as Bob refused to support Hoover.

PHIL LA FOLLETTE'S ROLE IN CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Able, forceful speaker always in demand. Had finished term as Dane county district attorney, involved in family strategy sessions.

ELECTION STAFF ORGANIZATION
Scope and Content Note: Sheehan and Kyle, and later Sigman and Kyle, managed office with aid of several Madison volunteers. Sheehan and Sigman talked with visitors; Kyle worked on black book and correspondence. Main contact through precinct workers and prominent state party speakers; little money available for radio or billboards.

CAMPAIGN SPENDING IN
Scope and Content Note: Progressives Solomon Levitan and Henry Huber pooled campaign resources with other progressives. Doubts more than $35,000 spent despite later investigation.

KYLE'S SALARY AS ASSISTANT CAMPAIGN MANAGER
Scope and Content Note: Approximately $100-$150 monthly.

COMMENTS ON HERMAN EKERN
Scope and Content Note: As progressive committee chairman signed most correspondence. Well-known in Norwegian community; complemented Beck who was a “wet.”

IMPORTANCE OF PRECINCT WORKERS IN
Scope and Content Note: Relied upon to gauge level of support for progressive candidates, to arrange meetings and to place advertising.

DEPENDABLE STATE PROGRESSIVE PARTY SUPPORTERS
Scope and Content Note: Included Charles D. Nelson of Rice Lake, Clough Gates of Superior, Max Heck of Racine, the Dick brothers, and Herbert L. Mount of Milwaukee, Roy Empey of Green, Tom Hayden of Fond du Lac, Louis Maloney of Stevens Point, Dr. Adam J. Gates of Tigerton, and John Englund of Wittenberg in Shawano county. All former supporters of Old Bob.

SOURCES OF FINANCIAL CONTRIBUTIONS TO PROGRESSIVES
Scope and Content Note: Candidates usually contributed $500 or $1,000; state party supporters added small amounts. Some out-of-state money from such businessmen as William T. Roe of Freeport, Illinois, and Indiana manufacturer Charles R. Crane. George Middleton obtained some money through New York contacts.

ANECDOTE ABOUT KOHLER AND HEIL PRODUCTS
Scope and Content Note: Kyle built house in Whitewater in 1939, specifying that no Kohler or Heil products be used.

STATE CONTRIBUTORS TO PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Not many big ones. Included Walter Corrigan and Gustav Dick of Milwaukee, Charles Nelson and Clough Gates. Solomon Levitan not particularly important as fund-raiser.

COMMENTS ON JOE BECK AND HIS PRIMARY RACE
Scope and Content Note: Elected to Congress in 1920 from La Crosse, defeating John Esch. Remained in Congress until 1928. Lost to Walter Kohler in gubernatorial election. Ran good campaign; helped only by a neighbor. See also 3:1, 07:25.

COMMENTS ON WALTER KOHLER
Scope and Content Note: A bland and dignified-looking newcomer to state politics. Relied heavily on billboards during campaign. Believes Kohler first candidate in state to use air travel.

STALWART REPUBLICANS SPEND $100,000 in CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Kohler and fellow industrialists first to spend over $100,000 in state campaign. Progressives felt election “bought.” Bill Evjue a chief complainant in suit against Kohler for violating Corrupt Practices Act. Judge ruled voluntary committee and not Kohler responsible for expenditures. Set precedent for limitless spending despite Corrupt Practices Act. Stalwarts later countersued, hiring unknown lawyer Arthur R. Berry of Milwaukee who charged progressives also spent $100,000 and manipulated figures to prove case. Sigman, Kyle, and progressive candidates called as witnesses. Judge found no basis for charges.^[1]

WHY KOHLER WON GUBERNATORIAL RACE
Scope and Content Note: Kohler won southeastern industrial counties because of lavish financing and indifference of labor, many of whom voted socialist. German-Americans in southeastern region and Fox River Valley also supported Kohler.

PROGRESSIVES UNITED IN AFTER TWO-YEAR SPLIT
Scope and Content Note: Phil La Follette, Alf Rogers, Fred Holmes, William Evjue, and Charles Crownhart established directional and ideological consensus. Problem in 1928, aftermath of 1926 gubernatorial election in which stalwart Charles Perry opposed progressive Herman Ekern, occurred when ambitious Secretary of State Fred Zimmerman decided to run, straddled the fence, got some progressive backing. Stalwarts dropped Perry, backed winner Zimmerman.

MORE ON ZIMMERMAN ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: By 1928, Zimmerman alienated both stalwarts and progressives; stalwarts found Kohler; progressives disillusioned with Zimmerman. Episode had little effect on strengthening party discipline.

PROGRESSIVE PARTICIPATION IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: State progressives “sat on their hands.” Stalwart platform endorsed Hoover and Curtis, although Ekern elected chairman of state central committee.

PROGRESSIVE SUPPORT FOR AL SMITH
Scope and Content Note: Some progressives, mainly friends of Senator Blaine, formed voluntary committee in Madison to support Smith.

STATE ELECTION IN
Scope and Content Note: Kohler elected governor, progressives elected to other constitutional offices; progressive majority in assembly, stalwarts won senate. Almost no Democrats in either house.

SUPPORT FOR AL SMITH IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Dry progressives mostly opposed Smith; no flareups over Smith's Catholic religion, although such groups as Norwegian Lutherans probably influenced by religious issue.

COMPARISON OF PHIL AND BOB LA FOLLETTE JR
Scope and Content Note: Phil's legal and debating background made him an experienced, relaxed speaker. Bob effective and sincere, but less at ease. Both intense, active men, conservatively dressed in ordinary business suits for speeches. Phil highstrung and dynamic, Bob suave and diffident. Old Bob more of a spellbinder.

SOCIALIST GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATE HERMAN KENT WINS PROGRESSIVE VOTES IN
Scope and Content Note: Many stalwarts distrustful of Zimmerman; progressives didn't like him. Kyle voted for Kent in protest against Zimmerman, and believes as many as 10,000 progressives did likewise.

KYLE BECOMES PERMANENT MEMBER OF YOUNG BOB'S STAFF
Scope and Content Note: Bob retained Kyle after 1928 election to keep a permanent Madison office, mostly to maintain Wisconsin contacts.

KYLE MOVES TO WASHINGTON, D.C., AS LA FOLLETTE STAFF MEMBER
Scope and Content Note: Moved to Bob's Washington office in 1930, although still responsible for Wisconsin contacts. Fellow staff members included researcher Paul Webbink, Grace Lynch, and Rachel Young.

COMMENTS ON PAUL WEBBINK
Scope and Content Note: Webbink's full-time research position unique among senate offices. Accumulated materials in quiet, professorial manner, but did not advise Bob on policy or programs.

BOB'S REGULAR CONSULTANTS
Scope and Content Note: Included brother-in-law Ralph Sucher, Basil Manly, Ed Keating, fellow senators Robert Wagner and George Norris.

DESCRIPTION OF BOB'S WASHINGTON OFFICE
Scope and Content Note: Plain, institutional furniture.

OFFICE ROUTINE
Scope and Content Note: Kyle and appointments secretary Rachel Young screened visitors. Kyle advised Bob on Wisconsin matters but no on legislation; drafted responses to letters. No surveys conducted.

BOB'S DAILY SCHEDULE
Scope and Content Note: Arrived at office about 9:00, read until Senate convened at noon, usually for two or three hours. Returned to office to read mail.

BOB'S REPUTATION AS A SENATOR
Scope and Content Note: Maintained low profile. Cultivated contacts made while secretary to father and became known as a “senator's senator.” Took firm stands, but probably more influential and accomplished more than father because rarely involved in fights. Informed on issues and knowledgeable about the workings of the Senate.

BOB'S IDEOLOGY
Scope and Content Note: Rarely deviated from father's course. Member of Senate progressive group; supported Norris on public power issues and Wagner on labor issues.

STATE CAPITALISM
Scope and Content Note: Not sure what Bob meant by state capitalism. Not socialism; rather government sponsorship of needed programs.

BOB'S REACTION TO CRASH AND ITS AFTERMATH
Scope and Content Note: Conscious of problem, but not in position to develop programs. New Deal legislation later grew out of ideas of La Follette, Robert Wagner, Gerald Nye, Henrik Shipstead, George Norris, Hiram Johnson, and James Blaine.

PEOPLE OUTSIDE WASHINGTON WHO INFLUENCED BOB
Scope and Content Note: Always in touch with Phil; remained friendly with Bill Evjue. Bob & Evjue agreed on most issues, but little direct communication between them.

KYLE'S MOVE TO WASHINGTON
Scope and Content Note: Excited about move, but did not anticipate so difficult a trip. Drove east in January on icy, occasionally flooded, mountainous roads. Thrilled to drive down Pennsylvania Avenue. Stayed at The Senate hotel until found rooms in old brick row house near Congressional Library.

KYLE SEES PRESIDENTS
Scope and Content Note: Attended parade in Alexandria to see Hoover; later saw Taft lying in state in Capitol.

ENTERTAINMENT AND RECREATION IN WASHINGTON
Scope and Content Note: Explored; visited fraternity brother in Hyattsville; attended theater. Little night life.

KYLE'S TYPICAL DAY IN BOB'S OFFICE
Scope and Content Note: Arrived about 8:30 to examine mail, most of which was routine. Saw Bob only occasionally. Searched for various documents. Day usually ended about 5:00. Paid $150 monthly; spent $6-$10 weekly for rent.

DESCRIPTION OF WASHINGTON IN
Scope and Content Note: More public space than Madison; Pennsylvania Avenue crowded with old brick row houses; much area around Capitol run down.

SCANDALS IN WASHINGTON IN
Scope and Content Note: Little attention paid to personal lives of government officials. No crusading newspapers then; Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen's “Merry-go-round in Washington” focused on bribery and special interests. Believes Congressional “monkey-business” kept outside the office. Some Senators might be considered dumb or lightweight.

EFFECTIVE SPECIAL INTERESTS GROUPS
Scope and Content Note: Power companies, National Association of Manufacturers, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, some trade associations. Labor poorly organized. Most contacts made directly in office; little cocktail party lobbying. Bob had no special interest connections, although Ed Keating generally had Bob's ear.

KYLE'S RELATIONSHIP WITH BOB
Scope and Content Note: Strictly professional.

KYLE'S EARLY INVOLVEMENT WITH PHIL LA FOLLETTE'S GUBERNATORIAL CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle returned to Madison after Phil announced his candidacy in June 1930. Kyle had kept progressive ties strong through contacts with legislators and by updating black book. Also wrote column for liberal Whitewater newspaper, later expanded to others.

CONTINUATION OF DISCUSSION ABOUT KYLE'S NEWSPAPER COLUMN
Scope and Content Note: Weekly column reporting on legislature and actions of individual legislators also appeared in John Englund's Wittenberg Times; Charles Leicht's New Lisbon News. Wrote occasionally for Capital Times about Kohler and stalwart efforts to repeal progressive legislation, referring to “Kohler forces.”

KYLE UPDATES BLACK BOOK
Scope and Content Note: Progressive legislators such as Arthur Hitt of Alma helped to update black book. Black book a leather-covered one inch-thick loose-leaf book.

PROGRESSIVE SUPPORT FOR PHIL
Scope and Content Note: Phil's candidacy for governor a hope but not a foregone conclusion in 1930. Kyle found great progressive demand for Phil after Zimmerman, Ekern, and Beck proved to be disappointing.

KYLE'S RELATIONS WITH STATE PROGRESSIVES
Scope and Content Note: Kyle as “nuts and bolts” man able to get along well with progressives and most progressive legislators, most of whom were anxious to rally around Phil in 1930 after losing two previous campaigns. Most felt Kohler stood for little while “country was going to hell in the Depression.”

PHIL'S ATTITUDE TOWARD SPECIAL INTERESTS
Scope and Content Note: Phil believed government under Kohler in hands of special interests, particularly Wisconsin Manufacturers' Association. Kohler's agency appointments conservative and amenable to business. Some appointees more reactionary than Kohler, such as Charlie Budlong of Marinette, Wallace Engels of Racine, and Oscar Morris of Milwaukee.

OBSERVATION ABOUT CONSERVATIVE CONTROL OF STATE SENATE
Scope and Content Note: Senate until 1970's controlled by conservatives, except perhaps during term of Governor McGovern. Governor Blaine had control of Senate briefly, but lost support because of prohibition stand. Phil as governor contended with insurgents Phil Nelson and Democrat Arthur Zimny.

IMPORTANCE OF CARL THOMPSON IN DEVELOPMENT OF WISCONSIN REAPPORTIONMENT PLAN
Scope and Content Note: Thompson's reapportionment plan changed complexion of Senate. Passed by Republican Senate partly with support of individual Republicans whose districts were preserved or strengthened.

PROGRESSIVE ISSUES AGAINST KOHLER AND STALWARTS
Scope and Content Note: Effective La Follette issues included opposition to chain banks and chain stores, although Kohler not personally involved with those. Kohler's major disadvantages were do-nothing record and worsening economic and social conditions. Phil recognized as dynamic young member of state's best-known political family.

PHIL SUPPORTS OPEN MARKETPLACE
Scope and Content Note: Supported concept of open marketplace; such make-work programs as railroad grade crossings.

GUBERNATORIAL CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Phil used some radio, but campaign waged principally by brochures, party leaders, contacts, local meetings, and stumping. Headquarters included clerical staff and some volunteers.

FUND-RAISING
Scope and Content Note: No organized fund-raising; perhaps an occasional county picnic.

NEWSPAPERS WHICH SUPPORTED PHIL
Scope and Content Note: Capital Times, Whitewater Press, Wittenberg Times, New Lisbon News, cooperative paper in Frederic, some weeklies. Limited support from Milwaukee Journal. Labor newspapers took no political stand.

NEWSPAPERS WHICH OPPOSED PHIL
Scope and Content Note: Oshkosh Northwestern, Milwaukee Sentinel, Janesville Gazette, usually the Beloit Daily News, Wausau Record Herald, Kenosha News. Stressed progressive lack of loyalty to President Hoover and its disruptive influence on the Republican party.

PRIMARY CAMPAIGN BUDGET
Scope and Content Note: Phil's primary campaign cost less than $5,000, most of which came from Phil himself. Money spent on postage, brochures, salaries, and rent.

INDIVIDUAL CONTRIBUTORS TO PRIMARY CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Some outside money from such contributors as Rawleigh, Charles R. Crane; wealthy progressives as Milwaukee lawyer Walter L. Fischer, and Walter Corrigan. Individual mail contributions from around state averaged five or ten dollars.

REASONS FOR THE LA FOLLETTE SWEEP IN PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Lost only seven counties out of 71, five of those by less than 500 votes. Reasons for sweep included a well-known, articulate, and energetic member of the La Follette family, and Kohler's colorless administration. Issues played minor role compared to other factors.

BOB LA FOLLETTE CAMPAIGNS FOR BROTHER
Scope and Content Note: Stumped for Phil during most of campaign; married Rachel Young after primary.

PROGRESSIVES SEEK WOMEN'S SUPPORT
Scope and Content Note: Actively recruited women; both La Follette wives campaigned. Several women with important positions in the party included Rose Meyer of Sauk City, secretary of the state central committee after Phil's nomination; and Mrs. Erick Johnson of Burnett county, candidate for delegate to the 1928 presidential convention. Women held half the positions on the state central committee. Isabel La Follette spoke mainly to women's groups.

WOMEN IN OTHER POLITICAL PARTIES
Scope and Content Note: Women increased participation in stalwart and Democratic politics, though not as actively recruited as by progressives.

PARTICULARLY ACTIVE PROGRESSIVE WOMEN
Scope and Content Note: Rose Meyer of Madison, Mrs. Erick Johnson of Burnett county (wife of an assemblyman), Mrs. Esther Haas, Miss Marjorie Johnson of Madison, Mrs. John C. Campbell of Dodgeville. Last three were good speakers.

PROGRESSIVES IN CLARK AND TAYLOR COUNTIES
Scope and Content Note: Progressives had no trouble with rural leftists in politically independent Clark and Taylor counties. Recalls communist dominated cooperative in Brantwood, Price county.

PROGRESSIVES CONTROL REPUBLICAN STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE IN 1930 GENERAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Progressives held all major committee positions in 1930. Phil wrote platform, Evjue was vice-chairman, Kyle executive secretary, Rose Meyer secretary, and Joe Padway, former socialist senator from Milwaukee, was treasurer; raised funds in Milwaukee. Democratic vote improved slightly, but La Follette coasted to victory.

KYLE APPOINTED PHIL'S SECRETARY
Scope and Content Note: Phil appointed Kyle secretary in early-December 1930, at same time as Ed Littel, who chauffeured Phil during campaign and wrote press releases, was selected to assist. Kyle's amicable relationship with Littel led to life-long friendship.

GOVERNOR'S STAFF
Scope and Content Note: Young staff included Sam Becker of Milwaukee and four secretaries hired by Kyle, and a messenger, Sam Pierce. Littel took many of Phil's letters personally.

KYLE'S AND LITTEL'S RESPONSIBILITIES
Scope and Content Note: Littel wrote down Phil's ideas, made contact with key advisors, took some letters. Kyle ran office, answered most letters, and received visitors.

COOPERATION BETWEEN OLDER AND YOUNGER PROGRESSIVES
Scope and Content Note: Older progressives worked easily with Kyle and Littel, known from earlier campaigns. Fred Holmes, Charlie Dow, Herman Ekern, and Alf Rogers had ready access to Phil. Charles Crownhart died early in Phil's term.

PHIL MEETS WITH MEMBERS OF WISCONSIN BUSINESS COMMUNITY
Scope and Content Note: Phil early decided to hold meetings with chain-bankers and industrialists at executive residence to improve understanding between the governor and businessmen.

COMMENTS ON JOHN GAUS AND OTHER UNIVERSITY ADVISORS
Scope and Content Note: Gaus an especially close associate of Phil, relied more on him than on other university people such as Ed Witte, Harold Groves, The Rauschenbushes, Edward Ross, and John Commons.

MORE ON MEETINGS WITH BUSINESSMEN
Scope and Content Note: Phil sought to understand businessmen. Kyle attended some dinner meetings, recalls no wives present, pleasant atmosphere. Recalls representatives from the First Wisconsin bank chain and Kearney & Trecker Corporation. La Follette's goal not to armtwist, but to collect ideas from various sectors of the economy to help deal with the Depression.

COMMENTS ON WILLIAM BLAKE
Scope and Content Note: Active participation with progressives confined to brief period in PMPA while at university 1923-1926. Helped Kyle get job with chief clerk of senate F.W. Schoenfeld in 1925. Blake, slightly built native of Fox Lake, dropped out of law school to become Presbyterian, later Methodist minister. Active involvement in politics ended, but liberalism resurfaced later in book he wrote on history of Methodist church in Wisconsin.^[2]

PHIL ATTEMPTS TO DEVELOP PROGRESSIVE PROGRAM
Scope and Content Note: La Follette's meetings with business and labor leaders helped him define progressive program.

PASSAGE OF UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE LEGISLATION IN
Scope and Content Note: Major achievement of 1931 special session. Governor's address to legislature, stressing principle of joint cooperation, as gesture to businessmen, probably influenced by Gaus.

KYLE AND ED LITTEL WORK WITH LEGISLATORS
Scope and Content Note: Progressives dominated assembly, but not senate. Kyle and Littel constantly contacted legislators about Phil's programs; Kyle knew many legislators from the past.

KYLE'S WORK WITH LEGISLATURE DURING
Scope and Content Note: Typist in 1925; took civil service exam in 1927 and appointed journal clerk by stalwart chief clerk Oliver Munson. Recalls at that time only men could be clerks; no senator had a personal secretary.

KYLE'S AND LITTEL'S RESPONSIBILITIES IN
Scope and Content Note: Earlier legislative contacts helped Kyle and Littel work with legislators on Phil's proposed programs. Littel worked on legislation to be introduced, wrote special correspondence and some documents. Kyle had duties similar to those of press secretary, supervised outer office, and met with visitors.

MORE ON CONTACTS WITH LEGISLATORS
Scope and Content Note: Met individually or in groups with legislators to discuss pending bills. Both Kyle and legislators initiated meetings.

PHIL LA FOLLETTE AS A PERSUASIVE GOVERNOR
Scope and Content Note: Skillful at changing opinions, appealing as governor and leader of party of principle. Respected for own worth and as member of highly-esteemed family.

COMMENTS ON SENATOR PHIL NELSON, DOUGLAS COUNTY
Scope and Content Note: Neither stalwart nor progressive, supported La Follette because of progressive constituency.

COMMENTS ON SENATOR ARTHUR ZIMNY OF MILWAUKEE
Scope and Content Note: Democrat who voted for progressive bills in return for favors in his district.

PHIL MEETS WITH LEGISLATORS
Scope and Content Note: Met with progressive legislators an average of twice weekly. Little conflict with veteran progressive legislators who were ideologically compatible.

HOW PHIL HANDLED PATRONAGE
Scope and Content Note: Delayed decision for contested positions. Recalls Phil once saying, “If you're in doubt what to do, do nothing.” Usually appointed party people except for some experts such as David Lilienthal for public service commission, for which La Follette received some criticism, and Harold Groves to tax commission.

WHY DAVID LILIENTHAL APPOINTED TO PUBLIC SERVICE COMMISSION
Scope and Content Note: Possibly John Gaus influenced Phil's decision to appoint Lilienthal. Kyle left shortly after Lilienthal arrived; didn't get to know him. Recalls James M. Landis also considered for public service commission position.

COMMENTS ON HAROLD GROVES
Scope and Content Note: Taxation specialist in UW-Madison economics department. Phil probably had known him socially. A progressive, had served in assembly and senate prior to tax commission appointment. Dealt infrequently with legislators.

LITTLE PROGRESS DURING FIRST REGULAR LEGISLATIVE SESSION
Scope and Content Note: Kyle not discouraged with slow legislative process.

TYPICAL DAY IN GOVERNOR'S OFFICE WHILE LEGISLATURE IN SESSION
Scope and Content Note: La Follette checked bills on desk for signature or veto, then spent time with legislators and advisors such as Gaus. Took care of routine correspondence, made decisions. Kept outside speaking engagements to a minimum.

TOM AMLIE'S CAMPAIGN FOR CONGRESS
Scope and Content Note: Amlie, Elkhorn lawyer, started campaign in September after the progressives' summer nominating conference. Tom Morrissey an effective organizer for Amlie, especially in Walworth county. Nominees besides Amlie and Kyle included the widow of Congressman Henry Allen Cooper, Stanley Slagg of Rock county, John T. Corbett, Railroad Brotherhood representative from Beloit. Amlie won handily and progressives united behind him. Stalwarts remained divided.

ACCOMPLISHMENTS DURING REGULAR LEGISLATIVE SESSION
Scope and Content Note: Major achievement a public works program of highway overpasses to help deal with unemployment; more accomplished during special session. Railroads supported construction of “La Follette's Rollercoasters,” as did the railroad brotherhoods.

EFFECTIVE LOBBYING GROUPS IN MADISON
Scope and Content Note: Railroad brotherhoods, League of Municipalities, teachers, and several farmers' organizations.

FARMER SUPPORT FOR PHIL
Scope and Content Note: Most support from Farmers' Union, Farm Bureau.

CONTACT BETWEEN PHIL AND BOB
Scope and Content Note: Constant telephone contact; relied on one another for advice.

OLD BOB'S PORTRAIT
Scope and Content Note: Phil probably moved it into his office.

ISABEL LA FOLLETTE'S DECIDED INFLUENCE ON PHIL
Scope and Content Note: Great confidence in her political judgment.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PHIL, LITTEL, AND KYLE
Scope and Content Note: Did not ask Littel's or Kyle's opinion often, but genuinely interested in their reactions.

TOM DUNCAN REPLACES KYLE
Scope and Content Note: Change made at beginning of special session, not as profound as it seemed despite Duncan's socialist background. Duncan had legislative experience, was able technician with knowledge of finance and state budget. Littel stayed until end of Phil's first term.

DUNCAN HELPS PHIL'S PROGRAMS PASS LEGISLATURE
Scope and Content Note: Legislative experience and knowledge of state budget especially helpful with banking and unemployment bills.

DUNCAN'S RELATIONSHIP TO SOCIALIST PARTY IN EARLY
Scope and Content Note: Duncan tired of being low paid socialist legislator. Appearance and approach more like a banker than a “raving” socialist.

DUNCAN'S RELATIONSHIP WITH LA FOLLETTE AND LITTEL
Scope and Content Note: Duncan's presence did not change relationship between La Follette and Littel.

BACKGROUND OF TOM AMLIE
Scope and Content Note: Non-Partisan League organizer from North Dakota. Liberal while attending UW-Madison law school, practiced first in Beloit, then Elkhorn. Depression made him a pessimist.

AMLIE'S CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN,
Scope and Content Note: Kyle organized personalized campaign, less dependent on mail, in a five-county district which included conservative Waukesha. Used some radio. Contacts made through black book and some of Amlie's old World War I connections. Local labor leadership and workers especially important in Racine and Kenosha. Stalwart split between Racine lawyer Thorwald M. Beck and state senator George Blanchard of Edgerton and Amlie's concentration on Depression problems resulted in Amlie victory.

KYLE'S ROLE IN AMLIE'S CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Met more people personally than in past campaigns. Besides campaign secretary Tom Morrissey helped in spare time. Campaign run from storefront headquarters in Elkhorn.

PEOPLE WHO INFLUENCED AMLIE
Scope and Content Note: Sister Rosalie and brother-in-law Walter Morton, professor at UW-Madison, a Beloit newspaper editor, and Francis Wendt of Racine, later mayor and county judge.

AMLIE'S RADICALISM
Scope and Content Note: Politically between La Follettes and socialists; more willing than the La Follettes' to experiment with new and broader programs.

KYLE'S RELATIONSHIP WITH AMLIE
Scope and Content Note: Discussed ideas regularly with him, especially after election. Amlie a big, slow, affable, easy-going Norwegian; could disagree with him and still be comfortable.

AMLIE'S WASHINGTON OFFICE
Scope and Content Note: Amlie, Kyle, and secretary shared one office.

AMLIE'S ATTITUDE TOWARD SELECTED NATIONALIZATION
Scope and Content Note: Open-minded about use of some non-partisan league ideas at national level, but little confidence that time had come for nationalization.

AMLIE'S ATTITUDE TOWARD FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT
Scope and Content Note: Distrusted him, doubting his liberalism. Roosevelt's patrician background and campaign promises, more conservative than his eventual programs, influenced Amlie's opinion.

AMLIE'S RELATIONSHIP WITH OTHER CONGRESSMEN
Scope and Content Note: Compatible with intellectuals like Jerry Voorhis of California and friendly with Fiorello La Guardia of New York. Most Wisconsin congressmen more conservative than Amlie, who established rapport with Jonathan Bingham, later a congressman, son of a conservative Connecticut senator.

AMLIE'S ATTITUDE TOWARD FATHER CHARLES COUGHLIN
Scope and Content Note: Interested in Coughlin's then liberal ideas, subscribed to his newspaper. Not fooled by Townsend plan.

WASHINGTON POLITICAL ATMOSPHERE IN EARLY
Scope and Content Note: New congressmen like Amlie and Voorhis aware of changes coming, but other congressmen more conservative, less aware of Depression's effects.

BONUS ARMY
Scope and Content Note: Kyle accompanied Amlie on several visits to Bonus Army encampment. Rough camp, some tents but mostly shacks with primitive sanitary facilities. Amlie strongly supported soldier's bonus, which never passed. Recalls Amlie's constituency had little reaction to Bonus Army.

AMLIE'S ATTITUDE TOWARD THIRD MAJOR POLITICAL PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Amlie clearly articulated disgust with Republicans and distrust of FDR. Felt Democratic Speaker John Nance Garner lacked interest in Depression. Amlie anticipated farmer-labor coalition.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AMLIE AND SENATOR ROBERT LA FOLLETTE
Scope and Content Note: Occasionally discussed third party idea with Bob; little overall communication between them.

WISCONSIN CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION ATTITUDE TOWARD THIRD PARTY
Scope and Content Note: About half of delegation discussed idea.

KYLE'S ATTITUDE TOWARD THIRD PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Sympathetic to Amlie's objectives, but political reality made him a restraining influence on Amlie.

AMLIE LOSES IN STALWART SWEEP OF WISCONSIN PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Lost because of worsening Depression, and mass movement of regular Democrats and unaffiliated Republicans to the Democratic party in the primary.

END OF TAPE 8, SIDE 1
Note: There is no Tape 8, Side 2

KYLE JOINS STAFF OF WISCONSIN DEMOCRATIC SENATOR F. RYAN DUFFY
Scope and Content Note: Experience in congressional work and political acquaintance with Duffy enabled Kyle to remain in Washington, D.C., to complete law degree. Minimal involvement in Duffy's 1932 campaign, but encouraged voters in First Congressional district to support Duffy, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Wisconsin gubernatorial candidate Albert G. Schmedeman.

COMMENTS ON TOM MORRISSEY, ELKHORN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle helped Morrissey organize approximately twenty Roosevelt-Duffy clubs in 1932. Morrissey a self-made political leader, had worked as blacksmith, owned a service station, and was leg-man for Elkhorn newspapers. Well-read, good organizer and political motivator who influenced endorsement and nomination of Amlie in 1931; participated in his renomination and election of 1932.

KYLE ADJUSTS TO WORKING FOR A DEMOCRATIC SENATOR
Scope and Content Note: Personally displeased with some actions of Duffy's Democratic colleagues in Wisconsin, but had no major problems, finding Duffy amiable and candid.

PROGRESSIVES WORK ON CONGRESSIONAL STAFFS
Scope and Content Note: Kyle retained previous acquaintances from other parties; common among congressional staffers to cross party lines for employment.

KYLE'S RESPONSIBILITIES ON DUFFY'S STAFF
Scope and Content Note: Handled routine correspondence from constituents because of state-wide acquaintances and knowledge of Wisconsin's political structure. Post office appointments a major concern. Another Duffy staff member had knowledge of departmental operations which compensated for lack of contacts outside Milwaukee area.

WISCONSIN CONSTITUENT INTERESTS, TO
Scope and Content Note: Jobs and other Depression-related matters predominated. Most constituent mail, including that of business and industry, approved increased role for national government.

DUFFY AND PATRONAGE APPOINTMENTS
Scope and Content Note: Kyle had no knowledge of conversations between FDR and Duffy, a “patronage man.” Duffy's relationship with Bob La Follette cordial and mutually respectful. Recognized their differences, but made no attempt to present an unified front. Leo Crowley acted as “middle man” between Duffy and La Follette.

WISCONSIN CONSTITUENTS REACT TO PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S PATRONAGE APPOINTMENTS
Scope and Content Note: Constituent correspondence and Wisconsin newspapers reflected concern and alarm over FDR appointments of Progressives. Selection of Ralph Immell as state Works Progress Administration director brought complaints from old-time Democrats.

MORE ON DUFFY AND PATRONAGE
Scope and Content Note: Duffy a life-long Democrat and a reputed conservative, although probably slightly right of center. A lawyer, a team worker, and a “New Deal senator” who provided votes, not ideas. Duffy never voted against the President, even if in disagreement; rarely consulted Bob La Follette on appointments. Recalls Duffy's influence in Patrick T. Stone's appointment as federal judge and Stone's friends in subordinate positions.

ADMINISTRATION OF WISCONSIN GOVERNOR ALFRED G. SCHMEDEMAN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle recalls no specific conversations with Duffy about Schmedeman.

CONSTITUENT MAIL AS INDICATOR OF LEFT-RIGHT DIVISION IN DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Little correspondence corroborated such factionalism, although reputable conservative leaders, such as John Callahan, vehemently acknowledged the split. Such letters handled by Duffy personally.

DESCRIPTION OF F. RYAN DUFFY
Scope and Content Note: Dignified-looking, better-than average lawyer. Sociable, good listener, took his senatorial responsibilities seriously. Maintained good, clean record; reacted confidently and comfortably to Washington and the Senate. Went to Washington intending to support the President's programs and did.

DUFFY RECALL THREAT IN OVER WORLD COURT ISSUE AND SOLDIERS' BONUS INCIDENT
Scope and Content Note: No recollection.

KYLE KEEPS ABREAST OF WISCONSIN PROGRESSIVE POLITICS WHILE IN WASHINGTON
Scope and Content Note: Madison Capital Times, summers in Wisconsin, contact with Wisconsinites helped to keep Kyle abreast of Wisconsin politics. Experience in 1932, two years of New Deal programs, Democratic control of the state Assembly, and Democrats in state Senate acting as reactionary Republicans, pushed progressive Republicans towards formation of independent Progressive Party by 1934.

SPECULATION ABOUT SUCCESS OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Success of party questioned after 1934 Progressive primary elections and every primary thereafter because of Republican- controlled county court houses; Progressive Republicans hesitated to run as Progressives instead of Republicans. From 1934 to 1946 Progressive primary vote in nearly every county always smaller than Republican vote because of emphasis on local races.

SPECULATION ABOUT SUCCESS OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY, CONTINUED
Scope and Content Note: Risk of running as Progressive Party candidate intensified after primary elections since Congressmen and Assemblymen yielded for Progressives fewer votes than for Republicans in strong Progressive counties.

REACTION AMONG PROGRESSIVE REPUBLICANS TO EXPANDING INDEPENDENT PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Local progressive Republicans running for re-election often offered little opposition to regular party. Cites Hubert Peavey from Superior as example of one who made mistake of continuing to run as Republican.

PROGRESSIVE PARTY LEADERSHIP
Scope and Content Note: No formal, consolidated organization. Tom Amlie, Sam Sigman, Henry Rutz and his associates the initial movers, followed by Bob and Phil La Follette, who provided the push for success.

LA FOLLETTES' EFFECT ON BUILDING PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Apprehensiveness of candidates running on independent Progressive ticket not diminished by support of Bob and Phil. Job insecurity important factor in adherence to Republican Party.

SUCCESS OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY THREATENED BY DIVERSE INTERESTS
Scope and Content Note: Disagreement apparent from early stages of Party's formation; division had widened after first Amlie campaign. Rivalry persisted over ideological, platform, and party structure differences.

SUCCESS OF PROGRESSIVE CANDIDATES IN GENERAL ELECTION RESULTS IN KYLE SHIFT TO CONGRESSMAN SCHNEIDER'S STAFF
Scope and Content Note: Five Progressives elected to Congress; two re-elected. Kyle sought staff position from the five newly elected members. Amlie hired brother, Hans; Merlin Hull hired William Sanderson, Wisconsin Farmers' Union secretary. Rep. George J. Schneider hired Kyle as staff secretary in January 1935; remained until June 1935. Most Congressional staffs composed of secretary and stenographer, with secretary handling every aspect of Congressman's work except contacts on floor and committee meetings.

WORKING RELATIONS BETWEEN PROGRESSIVES IN CONGRESS
Scope and Content Note: Schneider previously acquainted with Gerald Boileau, Gardner Withrow, Merlin Hull, and Tom Amlie, as well as newcomers Bernhard Gehrmann and Harry Sauthoff. Wisconsin Progressives worked well together, although possible friction between Withrow and Hull rooted in 1928 election.

SCHNEIDER'S BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL THINKING
Scope and Content Note: Schneider from conservative Fox Valley region; political thinking influenced by labor union affiliations. Schneider formerly an organizer and later national vice-president of International Brotherhood of Paper Makers; remained nominal national vice-president throughout his political career.

SCHNEIDER'S VICTORY IN CONGRESSIONAL PRIMARY ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Schneider defeated La Follette-endorsed candidate Elmer S. Hall and conservative circuit court judge Henry Graas in a well- organized campaign. Sam Sigman organized Schneider supporters who would later play important role in formation of Farmer-Labor Progressive League.

DESCRIPTION OF SCHNEIDER
Scope and Content Note: Tall, quiet, dignified-looking. Low key; committed; kept in contact with Wisconsin delegation; faithfully attended committee meetings; receptive to ideas on the House floor.

SCHNEIDER SUPPORTS FARM LEGISLATION
Scope and Content Note: Committed to farm legislation, a major concern of many of his constituents, but not a leader due to lack of experience and personal knowledge of farm problems and exclusion from the Agriculture Committee.

FARMER-LABOR PROGRESSIVE LEAGUE IN OUTAGAMIE COUNTY
Scope and Content Note: Schneider long-time supporter of alliance between farmers and laborers; League partially responsible for Schneider's 1922 election success.

SCHNEIDER COMPARED TO OTHER PROGRESSIVES IN CONGRESS
Scope and Content Note: Progressive Republicans could always count on Schneider's vote. Among Progressives, Schneider slightly left of center; generally more conservative than Tom Amlie. Schneider not an effective writer like Amlie. Kyle drafted papers for Schneider as Sam Sigman had done in the past, although Schneider made final critical evaluation. Schneider slightly intimidated, unconfident and cautious from lack of extensive formal education. Prime areas of interest reflected constituent concerns: labor and farm legislation.

KYLE'S LEGAL TRAINING
Scope and Content Note: Finished studies in Washington, D.C., and returned to Wisconsin in summer of 1935 to write bar exam.

KYLE LEGAL TRAINING, CONTINUED
Scope and Content Note: After passing state bar exam, Kyle considered practicing general law in Wisconsin, but refused offer to join private Whitewater firm of newly-elected Walworth County district attorney, Robert C. Bulkley.

ACCEPTS POSITION AS GOVERNOR PHILIP LA FOLLETTE'S PLANNING COUNSEL
Scope and Content Note: Accepted Phil's offer because he wanted to return to Wisconsin and had grown personally dissatisfied with position as Congressional staff “social worker.” Aware of La Follette's program and accepted the challenge.

DUTIES AS PLANNING COUNSEL
Scope and Content Note: Provided information and assistance to mayors and other local officials involved in undertaking or implementing WPA, PWA and other federal projects; responded to specific requests for assistance or consulted a prepared list of proposed state projects. While state WPA office represented and was directly responsible to the national government in processing applications, Kyle acted as an independent agent for federal projects.

COMMENTS ON RALPH IMMELL AND M.W. TORKELSON
Scope and Content Note: Immell aggressive, enthusiastic, successful project manager; Torkelson a slow and cautious bureaucrat. Kyle unaware of any significant general reaction to Torkelson's selection, although he and Ed Littel doubted Torkelson's ability to overcome bureaucratic constraints and produce results.

STATE DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC WELFARE ASSUMES FEDERAL EMERGENCY RELIEF ADMINISTRATION'S (FERA) FUNCTIONS BY END OF
Scope and Content Note: Kyle not affected.

STATE GOVERNMENT REORGANIZATION IN
Scope and Content Note: Proposed by Phil, but legislators and commissioners participated. Legislative joint committee, chaired by Senator George Hampel, held fact finding hearings; Kyle and Littel involved in early stages of proposed reorganization; Gordon Sinykin participated in later drafting; Tom Duncan responsible for legislative work. “It was really Duncan's baby.”

PHIL'S INTEREST IN GOVERNMENT REORGANIZATION
Scope and Content Note: Phil aided mainly by Professor John Gaus; interested in reorganization, thwarted in past by uncooperative officials appointed by previous governors. Common objectives in, but no direct relationship between, Wisconsin reorganization effort and President Franklin Roosevelt's federal reorganization plan.

STATE WORKS BILL CONFLICT IN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle recalls no dissatisfaction among individuals he contacted after Phil refused to call special session of the Legislature to consider State works bill despite urging from city officials. Opposition generally voiced through city lobbying groups or county boards.

PHIL'S VISION OF PLANNING IN
Scope and Content Note: Envisaged a union of government and business for mutual benefit. Conservation, and to a lesser extent zoning, received special attention.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PLANNING ADVOCATED BY PHIL LA FOLLETTE AND TOM AMLIE
Scope and Content Note: Basically in agreement, but little contact between them.

KYLE COMPARES PHIL LA FOLLETTE IN AND
Scope and Content Note: Recalls no physical change; remembers speculating with Ed Littel that Phil's idealism underwent change because of A. W. Zeratsky's wheeling and dealing.

PHIL'S WORKING RELATIONSHIP WITH LEGISLATURE
Scope and Content Note: Disillusionment with results of 1935 Legislative session set stage for regular and special sessions in 1937; experience had taught him necessity of working closely with Legislature. Little Wagner Act defeated in 1935; reintroduced for Phil by Sinykin in 1937.

COMMENTS ON A. W. ZERATSKY
Scope and Content Note: Operator of one-person mail order house; managed Gardner R. Withrow's campaign in 1930 against Merlin Hull for Congressional seat and Phil's 1934 gubernatorial challenge; member of staff from 1934 to 1938. Unsuccessfully tried business management techniques in political arena. Gained reputation as “wheeler-dealer,” but got “sloppy,” making insincere attempt to “sell Phil” by mail. Recalls Elkhorn editor who received at least five Christmas cards from Phil.

KYLE'S RESULTS AS PLANNING COUNSEL
Scope and Content Note: Worked with programs to employ people for construction of federally funded buildings and community improvement projects.

LONG TERM EFFECTIVENESS OF PHIL LA FOLLETTE'S COMPREHENSIVE PLANNING STRATEGY
Scope and Content Note: Employment success and community improvements re-enforced concept that Depression-born programs reaped long-term benefits.

KYLE'S PLANNING COUNSEL JOB AND PERSONAL POLITICAL ACTIVITIES
Scope and Content Note: No constraints on political activities.

KYLE'S RELATIONSHIP WITH ED LITTEL IN
Scope and Content Note: Shared office; involved in similar activities; frequently discussed mutual political concerns.

CREATION OF WISCONSIN LABOR RELATIONS BOARD (WLRB) IN
Scope and Content Note: Created after passage of state's little Wagner bill. Kyle appointed executive secretary, helped prepare Wisconsin Labor Relations Board Madison Report Covering the Period April 15, 1937 to November 30, 1938. Board members Voyta Wrabetz, chairman of state Industrial Commission; Fr. (later Mgsr.) Francis J. Haas; and Edwin Witte, UW-Madison economics professor, met with and agreed to hire Kyle.

ORGANIZING WLRB STAFF
Scope and Content Note: First office located in former WPA rooms in state office building; later moved to old Bank of Wisconsin building. Kyle responsible for all staff appointments.

BOARD BEGINS OPERATION
Scope and Content Note: Board's services needed immediately because of increased labor unrest and growing AF of L/CIO rivalry.

PHIL'S EXPECTATIONS OF WLRB
Scope and Content Note: Preserve labor peace in Wisconsin and provide medium to arbitrate between AF of L and CIO.

WLRB STAFF APPOINTMENTS
Scope and Content Note: No specific criteria; sought people known to be objective, rational, reasonable, and “temperamentally peacemakers.” Clerical staff hired through civil service, but professional appointments not limited to civil service lists. Funding assistance came from Industrial Commission, chaired by WLRB member Wrabetz. Hired twelve examiners, mostly attorneys. UW-Madison law professors Nathan Feinsinger and William G. Rice hired without pay.

ANIMOSITY TOWARDS WLRB
Scope and Content Note: Recalls no animosity towards board and staff because of partisan political ties. Management objected primarily because of government intrusion in private business concerns.

PROBLEMS CAUSED BY JURISDICTIONAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD (NLRB) AND WLRB
Scope and Content Note: Labor unions occasionally confused over each board's jurisdiction; often sought assistance from any source available. AF of L or CIO occasionally played off two boards to their advantage. Employers never considered federal and state boards an issue, regarding WLRB a more responsive negotiator. Occasional conflict instigated by NLRB members who felt WLRB encroached on their responsibilities.

WLRB METHODS OF INTERVENTION IN LABOR DISPUTES
Scope and Content Note: Board of only three meant all staff required to help resolve management-labor disputes. Fr. Haas and Wrabetz experienced in mediation; Witte's knowledge of labor unions compensated for lack of practical mediation experience. Kyle, a “rank amateur,” accompanied Witte and Haas on a few fact-finding trips to gain experience, but learned most by on-the-job training. Kyle recalls first solo assignment in Tigerton.

COMMENTS OF WLRB MEMBERS
Scope and Content Note: All competent and successful though had quite different background and experience in labor relations. Haas, a non-active “left wing Democrat,” who maintained a “father confessor” approach to mediation; amiable, low-key, and generally more sympathetic to labor. Witte, university professor with experience in drafting labor legislation, may have been sympathetic towards Progressives; knowledgeable and competent fast-talker. Wrabetz, a cautious “nominal Republican,” was “government middle man,” good public servant and administrator; conservative and generally favored management; came to WLRB from ten-year experience with state Industrial Commission.

COMMENTS ON EMIL COSTELLO
Scope and Content Note: Non-descript, hard-working and subdued CIO organizer; political convictions not apparent, but charged with being a communist.

COMMENTS ON HAROLD CHRISTOFFEL
Scope and Content Note: Occasional trouble-maker who followed Communist Party line. Little contact with Kyle.

COMMENTS ON WISCONSIN AF OF L LEADERS
Scope and Content Note: John J. Handley and Henry Ohl consigned to Milwaukee offices, while Andrew Biemiller and George Haberman usually “on the front lines.” Both Biemiller and Haberman thwarted labor peace; verbose Biemiller especially antagonized Costello and Christoffel.

AF OF L AND CIO CONTESTED UNION ELECTIONS
Scope and Content Note: WLRB intervened and conducted elections; Board's methods generally approved and election results accepted. Kyle gives example of elections at Creamery Package Manufacturing Company and James Manufacturing Company, both in Fort Atkinson.

ORGANIZATION OF AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRIES
Scope and Content Note: AF of L attempt to organize agricultural industries caused commotion in WLRB and consternation in Progressive Party. Phil La Follette recognized political danger in the situation, but neither Kyle nor WLRB members discussed the issue with him. No recollection of relevant conversations between Phil and Handley or Ohl. Progressive senators had originally opposed passage of state labor relations act.

GOLDEN GUERNSEY DAIRY COOPERATIVE (MILWAUKEE) LABOR DISPUTE IN
Scope and Content Note: NLRB provided for union closed shop and dispute arose involving driver accused of trying to break the union in behalf of management. Gavin McKerrow repeatedly sought WLRB assistance, but case under NLRB jurisdiction. Motivated McKerrow to organize efforts to repeal state labor act and campaign against Phil in 1938 election, even though Golden Guernsey argument was with NLRB.

COMMENTS ON GAVIN McKERROW
Scope and Content Note: Good operator; produced quality product; ran successful business; opposed unions and forestalled organizing efforts by initiating employee profit-sharing plan.

RICHLAND COOPERATIVE CREAMERY COMPANY, INC. LABOR DISPUTE
Scope and Content Note: Dispute arose over wages after unsuccessful bargaining between union and management; culminated in firing of three workers. Union appealed to WLRB, but Kyle recalls no state action. Situation exploited by Assemblyman Vernon Thomsen and distorted by cooperative manager, Bernie L. Bowen, and union people. Richland Center, a conservative, anti-union town where a “regrettable situation” arose that was finally mediated by NLRB.

END OF TAPE 11, SIDE 1
Note: There is no Tape 11, Side 2

FRANK PURE FOOD COMPANY (FRANKSVILLE) LABOR DISPUTE
Scope and Content Note: Cannery strikes although highly publicized as farmer-labor dispute. WLRB summoned when strikes in October 1937 and May-June 1938 allegedly threatened spinach crops. Kyle and S. Norman Moe participated in contract negotiations at request of newly organized and inexperienced union. Contract ratified and crops saved. Recalls poor working conditions in plants and low wages which justified labor grievances.

PARTICIPATION OF WLRB MEMBERS IN CONTROVERSIAL AND WELL-PUBLICIZED LABOR DISPUTES
Scope and Content Note: Not directly involved in mediation, but occasionally lent assistance, especially in early days of Board's existence. Not involved in Franksville dispute.

WLRB MILWAUKEE OFFICE
Scope and Content Note: Established two months after creation of WLRB.

REACTION TO LABOR DISPUTES IN FARMER-OWNED COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: While some farmers feared losing partial control of their cooperatives, Kyle recalls no serious problems. Most labor disputes involved privately-owned processing concerns. Occasionally, farmer-legislators and others approached Kyle privately to express concern about farmer-labor difficulties. News media and such Republican legislators as Vernon Thomsen, exploited farmer-labor disputes.

FARMERS' REACTION TO UNION ORGANIZATION IN DAIRY PLANTS
Scope and Content Note: Feared union labor would price farmers out of market, challenge farmer control of coop management and disrupt smooth operations.

WORKING CONDITIONS IN DAIRY COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: Wages low, but good, if not better than conditions in private plants. Farmers resented wage differential between plant workers' eight-hour day and farmers' fourteen-hour day.

PHIL LA FOLLETTE'S REACTION TO UNIONIZATION OF FARMERS' COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: Phil forced to consider the matter because of attention it received in news. No recall of discussing issue with Phil; no recollection of discussions with Ed Littel about labor problems.

LABOR DISPUTES IN WISCONSIN COMPARED TO OTHER STATES DURING EXISTENCE OF WLRB
Scope and Content Note: Fewer, shorter and less costly strikes than in neighboring states. Wisconsin's relative degree of labor peace interrupted during period of intense rivalry between state AF of L and CIO.

IMPACT OF FARMER-LABOR DISPUTES ON GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Contributed to Heil victory. Kyle not directly involved in 1938 campaign but kept in contact with campaign workers in rural areas. Kyle could sense farmer dissatisfaction with labor legislation; farmers felt Phil's administration was pro-labor.

IMPACT OF SPECIAL (“WPA SESSION”) ON ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Another “material contributing factor” to Phil's defeat. Legislators highly resented Tom Duncan's pressure tactics, necessary from Phil's standpoint because of Paul R. Alfonsi's weakness as assistant speaker.

WISCONSIN AGRICULTURAL AUTHORITY (WAA)
Scope and Content Note: Introduced in 1937 special legislative session to balance labor bills. Failed to placate those farmers who opposed changing their traditional operations. Not a major issue in the session.

KYLE'S INVOLVEMENT IN SPECIAL LEGISLATIVE SESSION
Scope and Content Note: Kept reasonably well-informed of events through Capital Times which became progressingly more critical. Kyle recognized conflict of interests between legislators who favored traditional, unhurried legislative process and Phil's overzealous tactics to reintroduce bills defeated in regular 1937 session.

SPECULATING ON WHETHER PHIL WOULD HAVE USED TACTICS IN
Scope and Content Note: Doubtful; as first term governor, Phil recognized the importance in moving cautiously and expected to remain in office for a second term.

PHIL'S MOTIVATION IN
Scope and Content Note: Wanted substantive accomplishment and felt special session was time to act.

PHIL'S ADVISERS
Scope and Content Note: Tom Duncan, aggressive and assertive; other less vocal advisers included Gordon Sinykin, A.W. Zeratsky, and Ralph Immell.

PUBLIC CRITICISM OF LA FOLLETTE'S LEGISLATIVE ACTION
Scope and Content Note: Special legislative session passed all La Follette's programs except highway safety. Public sentiment influenced by disapproving newspapers, especially Capital Times, supposedly the “voice of the Progressives.”

PHIL LAUNCHES NATIONAL PROGRESSIVES OF AMERICA (NPA) AT UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON STOCK PAVILLION
Scope and Content Note: Third strongest factor in Phil's 1938 defeat. Poorly received by Progressives friendly to Roosevelt and left-wing Progressive Party members. Kyle not foretold of event but newspapers, maneuvered by Phil's press people, foreshadowed event.

PHIL'S REASONS FOR LAUNCHING NPA
Scope and Content Note: Hoped to be president and form a national Progressive movement; Phil dissatisfied with Roosevelt; felt FDR had “run his course.”

PHIL'S CLOSEST ADVISORS IN LAUNCHING NPA
Scope and Content Note: Immell and Zeratsky. Immell temporarily appointed campaign manager.

KYLE'S REACTION TO CREATION OF NPA
Scope and Content Note: Questioned timing with approaching clouds of war. Phil judged time ripe because of Roosevelt recession.

NPA STOCK PAVILLION RALLY ON
Scope and Content Note: Spotlight on Phil and NPA symbol. Sizeable audience reacted politely, but unenthusiastically. Recalls post-rally complaints from Progressive left wing and Roosevelt supporters. Press intent on defeating Phil in election; exaggerated event; misrepresented NPA flag as swastika. Unusual to have local, regional, or national political rallies with military pageantry. Phil planned rally to appeal to audience, never imagining flag's symbolism would bring criticism.

IMPACT OF “DUNCAN AFFAIR” ON GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: While Duncan's Milwaukee hit and run accident was highly publicized, a minor influence on election.

IMPACT OF GLENN FRANK INCIDENT ON ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Minor contributing factor to Phil's defeat; greatest impact in Madison and other college towns. Lost some support, e.g., Fred Holmes, Daniel H. Grady, Gunnar Gunderson. Little effect on farmers whose attention captured more by Frank's spats, symbol of urban snobbery.

KYLE'S REACTION TO FRANK CASE
Scope and Content Note: Aware of situation from news media. Acquainted with Glenn Frank from mutual participation in student government at University of Wisconsin; agreed with description of Frank as “all thunder and no dawn,” satirizing Frank's book, Thunder and Dawn.

IMPACT OF HERMAN EKERN-TOM AMLIE PRIMARY ELECTION ON GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Ekern-Amlie U.S. Senate primary in 1938, which divided Progressive Party between Amlie's radical Farmer-Labor Progressive Federation (FLPF) faction and Ekern's conservative element, a minor contributing factor to Phil's defeat.

DEMOCRATS' REACTION TO STRONG PROGRESSIVE SENATORIAL CANDIDATE
Scope and Content Note: Felt Duffy had been effective New Deal supporter; unhappy that Duffy being challenged by a strong Progressive.

KYLE DEFINES PROGRESSIVE PARTY FACTIONS IN CONTEXT OF AMLIE-EKERN SENATORIAL PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: “Radicals” and “economic liberals” felt Amlie supported their interests. “Ethnic isolationists,” especially Norwegian element predominantly favored Ekern. Difficult choice for many Progressives not ideologically agreeing with either side. Kyle's working acquaintance and respect for both candidates caused personal dilemma; doesn't recall how he voted.

HEIL'S STRENGTHS IN GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Liked people; friendly; out-going; effective campaigner on one-to-one basis. Advocated traditional Republican philosophy; offered no substantive policy program. Little confidence, even among Republican Party members that he would win.

PROGRESSIVE PARTY'S DEVASTATING DEFEAT IN ELECTIONS
Scope and Content Note: Progressive Party lost all constitutional offices, two Congressional seats, and all but seventeen legislative seats. Gubernatorial defeat result of anti-Phil, anti-Progressive vote rather than pro-Heil. Wisconsin caught up in prevailing national resurgence of Republican Party.

MORE ON GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Discussed questions raised repeatedly over Phil's politics with defeat of NPA and after 1937 special legislative session. Phil's overconfidence meant less than maximum campaign effort, despite his running for an unprecedented fourth term. John W. Reynolds nominal state Progressive Party chairman.

CONSTITUENT DIFFICULTIES IN SEEKING AUDIENCE WITH PHIL PRIOR TO ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Kyle does not recall specific incidents of constituents thwarted from an audience with Phil; visitors kept waiting occasionally because of demands on governor's time.

GRASS ROOTS ORGANIZERS FOR PHIL IN ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Disinterest and disillusion among organizers; few committed workers.

DIVISIONS IN PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Young Progressives ideologically slightly left of center. Progressives experienced no greater division because of 1938 elections than split since party's beginning. Split more apparent over NPA issue.

PHIL'S ROLE IN PROGRESSIVE PARTY AFTER ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Maintained interest; not active participant on state level. Continued actively supporting NPA during following year; by 1940 disengaged from Party.

PROGRESSIVE PARTY LEADERSHIP AFTER ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Phil's leadership role while completing governorship passed to Orland S. Loomis, attorney general under Phil and “heir apparent” governor. Kyle defeated Kenneth Hones and succeeded Reynolds as Party state chairman.

KYLE'S RESPONSIBILITIES AS CHAIRMAN OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE
Scope and Content Note: Recruit a good candidate for governor in 1940; attempt to reclaim losses in Congress, state offices and state legislature.

KYLE'S INVOLVEMENT WITH NPA
Scope and Content Note: Made one promotional trip, although little confidence NPA would succeed. Motivated by desire to help Phil and disappointment with Roosevelt.

COMMENTS ON GLENN ROBERTS
Scope and Content Note: Phil's assistant district attorney and previous law partner; actively involved in Progressive Party after 1938 election; elected to party chairmanship in 1942.

BOB LA FOLLETTE'S ROLE IN STATE PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Not an active leader. Removed from Wisconsin politics; more closely identified with national politics, a “senator's senator.”

ACTIVE MEMBERS OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY UP TO ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Most active Young Progressives included Miles McMillin, John A. Lawton, Gaylord Nelson, Carl Thompson, Roland Day, Herbert Mount, George Hampel. Young Progressives allotted a Party vice-chairmanship.

KYLE LEAVES WLRB POSITION
Scope and Content Note: Realized he would have no place in Heil administration; WLRB became dysfunctional and Kyle disagreed with concepts embodied in Wisconsin Employment Peace Act; used his resignation as political maneuver to criticize WEPA.

WISCONSIN EMPLOYMENT PEACE ACT,
Scope and Content Note: Replacing state's “little Wagner Act,” WEPA modeled after original Taft-Hartley bill pending in Congress; sacrificed labor's rights in favor of increased employer privileges. Employment peace bill sponsored by big business and drawn up in obscure Milwaukee corporation law firm; business interests recognized passage required facade of farmer support. Large cooperatives used leverage in Wisconsin Council of Agriculture to favor revised labor act. Kyle unsympathetic to bill, visualizing enforcement problems. Recalls once unobtrusively attending Assembly debate over bill.

ROLE OF DEMOCRAT-REPUBLICAN COALITION IN PHIL'S ELECTION DEFEAT
Scope and Content Note: Democrats and Republicans jointly agreed to run coalition candidates in primary elections to present slate of candidates in opposition to Phil and Progressives in general election.

COALITION EFFECTS ON LEGISLATURE AFTER ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Helped to dismantle progressive legislation.

PROGRESSIVES IN STATE LEGISLATURE AFTER ELECTIONS
Scope and Content Note: Thirty-two Progressives in Assembly, eleven in Senate a fairly well organized, aggressive group, but lacked strength to resist efforts to reverse earlier-enacted progressive measures.

BOB LA FOLLETTE/ROOSEVELT CONFLICT OVER FOREIGN POLICY
Scope and Content Note: Disagreement developed about 1939, intensified in 1940-41; caused repercussions in state Progressive Party between disputing isolationists and interventionists.

BOB LA FOLLETTE'S RE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN IN
Scope and Content Note: Opposed by George Mead, Republican [actually Fred H. Clausen was the Republican candidate] and James E. Finnegan, Democrat.

FDR NOMINATES AMLIE TO INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION (ICC)
Scope and Content Note: FDR unaware of strength and effectiveness of opposition to Amlie's nomination, although expected vocal opposition from conservative Democrats in Legislature. Little opposition from Progressive Party members.

EFFORTS TO ASSIMILATE PROGRESSIVE PARTY INTO DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN
Scope and Content Note: Recalls no effective efforts to consolidate parties in 1939; lack of Democratic leadership from Duffy and William Rubin. Candidacy of New Deal Democrat Francis E. McGovern for governor might possibly have been a move towards merging parties.

PROGRESSIVE PARTY IN ELECTIONS
Scope and Content Note: Better organized for Bob's senatorial campaign than for 1938 general elections; Party continued regular promotional activities: recruiting legislative candidates; sponsoring non-election year state-wide rallies; maintaining backing from traditionally supportive state newspaper editors; making sure candidates covered in The Progressive and Capital Times. Kyle recalls ineffective promotional scheme devised by dentist, J. U. Luetscher of Mondovi.

BOB'S CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES
Scope and Content Note: Returned to campaign in Wisconsin early as opposed to previous campaign when arrived Saturday before election; in 1940 stumped the state and used radio.

PROGRESSIVE GUBERNATORIAL PRIMARY ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Five candidates competed in first open primary for governorship: “heir apparent” Orland S. Loomis, former attorney general, backed by La Follettes and most Party leaders, aroused little enthusiasm; Harold Stafford, aggressive campaigner, a Stevens Point lawyer who recently had joined Progressive Party; ambitious Paul R. Alfonsi, supported by Young Progressives; Phil Nelson, state senator from Superior; tax commissioner, Henry Gunderson, Phil's former lieutenant governor.

SOURCE OF LOOMIS SUPPORT
Scope and Content Note: Low key campaign approach; had access to large organized groups, e.g., rural electric cooperatives; lawyers; educational groups; World War I veterans. Previous Assembly and Senate experience and two terms as attorney general provided labor connections, although Loomis not strong labor candidate.

ALLEN J. BUSBY ENTERS STATE SENATE PRIMARY AS BOTH PROGRESSIVE AND REPUBLICAN
Scope and Content Note: A Progressive in principle, he changed to Republican ticket to get elected; served twenty years as Republican. Maintained progressive convictions despite Republican affiliation. Similar situations began to occur in 1940's.

HENRY WALLACE'S CAMPAIGN VISIT
Scope and Content Note: Sent by FDR to campaign for Bob. Kyle considered his speaking engagement in Madison to be helpful.

MANAGING BOB'S CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Campaign funding from “where we had always gotten it:” small donors, family, candidates, Progressive Party. Kyle acted as part-time campaign manager; Mrs. G. E. (Ada) Elkington, secretary of Party Central Committee, responsible for daily operations.

VICE CHAIRMEN OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Approximately twelve, representing various interest groups among them: Miles McMillin, Young Progressives; George Hampel, Farmer-Labor Progressive Federation; John Handley, Wisconsin State Federation of Labor; Kenneth Hones, Wisconsin Farmers Union; William Rabe and William Owen, farmers' cooperative and rural electric interests; representatives of women; representatives of Wisconsin State Industrial Union Council (CIO).

PROGRESSIVE FORTUNES IN ELECTION AND IN SUCCEEDING YEARS TO MID-40's
Scope and Content Note: After devastating defeat in 1938 elections, Congressional delegation increased to three in 1940 with election of Harry Sauthoff, although Loomis defeated, twelve or thirteen legislative seats lost. Additional losses in legislature in 1942 despite Loomis victory. 1944 a disastrous year.

MAJOR FACTORS IN LOOMIS' DEFEAT IN GUBERNATORIAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Liberal vote evenly distributed in race among Loomis, McGovern, and Heil. Issues included Loomis' firm support on rural electrification and other farm issues and general dissatisfaction over Heil's clowning, his unpopular utterances about bringing oleomargarine into Wisconsin, and lack of support for University of Wisconsin. McGovern's decision to run was the pivotal point in election.

POSSIBILITY OF CONSOLIDATING PROGRESSIVE AND DEMOCRATIC PARTIES IN
Scope and Content Note: Some hints at merging parties circulated among Party's labor sector. Generally, Progressives encouraged by results of 1940 elections and merger among liberals basically a post-war event.

COMMENTS ON TOM AMLIE'S POLITICAL CAREER AFTER
Scope and Content Note: Entered 1941 special election for vacated First District Congressional seat; Progressive Party nominated Kenneth Greenquist who entered race as independent Democrat because Wisconsin law prevented him from running under Progressive label. Greenquist and Kyle later agreed on futility of three-way race and Greenquist withdrew. Kyle, while personally disappointed, voted for Amlie instead of Republican, Lawrence Smith, whose victory ended Amlie's political career in First District. Amlie later entered Madison Democratic primary for district attorney, but Democratic Party in Dane County, led by Young Progressives, backed Richard Bardwell. Later, Amlie ran for Congress, losing to Robert Kastenmeier. In all, Kyle remained faithful to Amlie, feeling former Young Progressives owed Amlie their loyal support. Kyle disappointed in Amlie's 1941 shift to Democratic Party, which presaged liberal migration from Progressives to Democrats.

KYLE'S RACE FOR WALWORTH COUNTY DISTRICT ATTORNEY
Scope and Content Note: A hasty write-in campaign in behalf of Kyle, a “crusading” Progressive candidate for district attorney, organized mainly by clergy concerned by such vice as gambling and slot machines, combined with effort to strengthen Amlie's Congressional candidacy.

PRIMARY ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Party strategy similar to 1940, with more enthusiasm and confidence due to Loomis' near victory in 1940. Heil aided Progressives by continuing to defame himself. Finances remained a problem; legislative candidates easily recruited but defeated in general elections.

LOOMIS' LOYALTY TO PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Never feared Democratic Party would co-opt Loomis. Kyle has speculated that Loomis in 1944 might have switched to Republicans for greater success in working with legislature and constitutional officers.

LOOMIS VICTORY IN ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Victorious despite Democrat Dr. William C. Sullivan probably taking more votes from Loomis than from Heil.

LIEUTENANT GUBERNATORIAL PRIMARY ELECTION IN
Scope and Content Note: H. Roy Johnson, reputable railroad brotherhood representative from Wausau, opposed well-known Racine newspaper publisher and state senator, Walter S. Goodland, a successful vote-getter.

KYLE LEARNS OF LOOMIS' DEATH
Scope and Content Note: Aware of Loomis' critical and worsening condition from periodic reports received in Whitewater; death anticipated.

IMPACT OF LOOMIS' DEATH ON PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Critical event, since Loomis and Sauthoff last hope for the Party.

COMMENTS ON GOVERNOR WALTER S. GOODLAND
Scope and Content Note: Kyle unimpressed and discouraged with Goodland's political record and considered him “independent, gruff, honest,” but “pretty reactionary.” Goodland inspired little confidence, but as governor was a “pleasant surprise,” possibly reverting ideologically to days as La Follette supporter. Kyle speculates about independence assumed by politician in only term in office, and a governor's unique perspective of events. Goodland, with high moral standards, in conflict with such young Republicans as Vernon Thomsen.

EFFECTS OF WORLD WAR II ON STATE POLITICS
Scope and Content Note: Bob La Follette and congressmen concentrated on isolationist issue; state officers adhered to state issues; liberal farmers' interest in social legislation not significantly reduced by economic prosperity caused by the war; newly-created Wisconsin Association of Cooperatives (WAC) lobbied in behalf of domestic and national economic legislation, especially tax bills.

KYLE VACATES PROGRESSIVE PARTY CHAIR IN
Scope and Content Note: Returned to private law practice, assumed duties of Whitewater city attorney, and conducted hearings for National War Labor Board (NWLB). Glenn D. Roberts succeeded Kyle in September 1942.

KYLE A PROGRESSIVE CANDIDATE FOR CONGRESS IN PRIMARY
Scope and Content Note: Approached by First District labor leaders, and agreed to run. Ran impersonal and unstructured campaign depending on support and assistance from former contacts and acquaintances; death of Tom Morrissey had resulted in loss of avid supporter.

KYLE'S CONTACT WITH PROGRESSIVE PARTY AFTER TERM AS PARTY CHAIRMAN
Scope and Content Note: Kept abreast of current developments; attended platform convention in Madison after being nominated as Party candidate. After 1944 primary, Kyle vowed never to run again for political office because of financial and physical drain.

COMMENTS ON DANIEL HOAN
Scope and Content Note: Milwaukee “practical socialist” turned New Deal Democrat who led liberal Progressives towards Democrats using vehicle of Dane County Citizen's Committee. Assembled slate of Progressives for Democratic Party in 1944. Hoan's opportunism led to a “Hoan slate of Progressives.”

RIVALRY BETWEEN MILWAUKEE AND MADISON DEMOCRATS
Scope and Content Note: Always some minor rivalry. Recalls how stalwarts prided themselves in rousing the state against Madison wing, i.e., La Follettes and Blaine.

PROGRESSIVE PARTY IN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle served as secretary of Progressive Party conference held in Milwaukee before 1944 primary elections. Difficult to recruit candidates; Alexander Benz drafted to run for governor; Harry Sauthoff for U.S. Senate. Grass roots defections took place: Harley M. Jacklin announced as Democrat for state senate and John Pritchard and George J. Woerth announced as Republicans for state assembly. Strenuous effort made to prevent other defections.

EVALUATING THE FUTURE OF THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Informal discussions at Party convention in summer of 1944 revealed strong pro-Republican sentiments from heavily Progressive Northwest delegates, region traditionally Republican except for support of Roosevelt. Pro-Democrat Progressives argued Roosevelt's political record concomitant with party platform.

GENERAL ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Progressive Party lack of success further demonstrated the need to combine with another party; intensified sentiment to align with Democratic Party.

ACTIVITIES PRELIMINARY TO PORTAGE CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: Informal committee organized in early-1945 met to evaluate future of Progressive Party; Kyle not a participant until organizational activities for Portage Convention well under way. Attended a meeting in March and was assigned responsibility for staging the convention. Kyle's close previous involvement, yet immediate Party detachment, probably influenced committee to select Kyle for convention arrangements instead of state chairman, Glenn Roberts.

KYLE SUPPORTS PROGRESSIVE PARTY AFFILIATION WITH REPUBLICAN PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Envisaging no advantages in alignment with Democratic Party, Kyle felt positive accomplishment most possible through Republican Party.

ORGANIZED LABOR LEANS TOWARDS DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Such labor leaders as Biemiller favored Democratic Party affiliation.

KYLE'S ATTITUDE TOWARD DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Although Democrats increasingly attracted liberals, especially young Progressives, a strong conservative element persisted. Kyle feared the Democratic Party “could not elect anybody in Polk County and we had to have Polk County.”

KYLE'S ATTITUDE TOWARD YOUNG PROGRESSIVES
Scope and Content Note: “Solid people,” “level headed kids,” sprang from liberalism prevalent in University of Wisconsin student body. Aware of contributions of former generation of young Progressives; sought guidance; freely expressed ideas. Kyle questioned their good judgment once, when they backed Paul Alfonsi for governor in 1940.

COMMUNICATION WITH BOB LA FOLLETTE BEFORE PORTAGE CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: Little contact between Bob and Wisconsin Progressives. Kyle confidently guessed Bob's favoring a move toward the Republican Party. Recalls Bob's comment that Democrats “were always fighting like a bunch of Kilkenny cats.”

PRE-CONVENTION CONCERNS
Scope and Content Note: Kyle aware of probable preponderance of Democratic-leaning delegates from urban counties; accepted it as “part of the democratic process.” Threat of long-winded speeches thwarted by adopting five-minute rule.

ENFORCING FIVE-MINUTE RULE AT THE PORTAGE CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: Kyle feared small minority of delegates favoring retention of Progressive Party and led by the verbose Walter Graunke would not abide by the five-minute limitation. Recalls how he manipulated Graunke to establish the rule. Kyle cautious to recognize speakers of all points of view while scrupulously remaining neutral.

MORE PORTAGE CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: Delegates orderly, courteous, and respectful. Bob La Follette tried to remain inconspicuous and near the end presented convention's only formal speech. Favored Republican Party affiliation, somewhat influencing final delegate vote.

GRAUNKE FAVORS RETENTION OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Graunke a “dissident” and “purist” who greatly admired Old Bob. “Sincere advocate” of progressivism, but not practical “planner.”

BOB LA FOLLETTE'S SPEECH AT PORTAGE CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: After speeches and discussion, Bob presented the only formal speech during the convention. Well-received and probably influenced vote of small number of rural and previously uncommitted delegates.

KYLE'S UNDERSTANDING OF POSITION OF VARIOUS CONVENTION DELEGATES
Scope and Content Note: Meeting lasted until 5:00 or 6:00; Kyle quite aware of young Progressive pro-Democratic stance from information relayed by family members; labor's pro-Democratic position obvious since 1940.

OBSTACLES TO REPUBLICAN PARTY AFFILIATION
Scope and Content Note: Kyle's previous campaign involvement helped him realize labor and young Progressive factions would continue to oppose Young Bob's Republican affiliation. Farmers, especially from Northwest region, expected to follow Bob into Republican Party.

KYLE AS BOB'S CAMPAIGN MANAGER
Scope and Content Note: Believed in Bob; felt his state-wide contacts would well represent Bob, occupied in Washington. Established campaign headquarters soon after Portage Convention; campaign strategy similar to previous elections, using “black book” as basis for contacts. Deeply resented campaign smear of Democrat Howard McMurray, citing newspaper advertisements exploiting isolationist war sentiments against Bob battling in primary against Joseph R. McCarthy. Hurt Bob's labor and interventionist vote. Democrat-leaning young Progressives remained loyal to Bob in 1946 campaign.

REACTION TO IMMELL'S GUBERNATORIAL CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle dissatisfied with Immell, but supported him. Immell, offensive and ungracious to “a cooperative and amiable” Goodland, damaged Bob's campaign. Immell urged to run for lieutenant governor “pallbearer,” but refused. Immell strongest gubernatorial candidate among progressives, but Kyle remembered Immell's political wheeling and dealing from earlier days.

BOB'S REACTION TO IMMELL
Scope and Content Note: Supportive from sense of obligation because of Immell's early affiliation and strong support for Blaine and Phil.

KYLE VIEWS OF AND CONTACT WITH JOSEPH R. MCCARTHY
Scope and Content Note: First aware of McCarthy during district attorney campaign in Shawano County in early 1930's [in 1936] and in 1944 primary against Wiley. By 1940's McCarthy's true nature apparent in exploitation of his military career, fact distortion and intimidating behavior. Recalls being introduced to McCarthy in elevator of Atheran Hotel in Oshkosh during state Democratic convention. Next met McCarthy in Washington while a cooperative lobbyist.

FACTORS INFLUENCING RESULTS OF PRIMARY ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Well-organized McCarthy campaign; McMurray's damaging anti-Bob advertisement; Bob's endorsement of Immell; labor vote; Bob's lack of personal participation in campaign. Personal, old fashioned “stomping campaign” by Bob might have changed results. Little could be done to offset Tom Coleman's pro-McCarthy efforts and communist element of CIO discrediting and deceiving Bob. Bob's decision to stay in Washington until the Saturday before the election to concentrate on passing Senate reorganization bill, combined with unenthusiasm for campaigning, was damaging. Recalls singularly unenthusiastic labor meetings; lack of enthusiasm at Oscar Mayer plant and Madison Labor Temple.

COMPARISON BETWEEN OLD BOB AND SONS
Scope and Content Note: Old Bob a farm boy from Town of Primrose, Dane County, who worked way through university and built political support through personal contacts. Spent substantial time in Washington, but had “reservoir of good will.” Bob and Phil grew up in Washington; entered politics with “golden spoon in their mouth” and approached campaigning differently than their father.

PHIL'S INVOLVEMENT IN PRIMARY CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Not actively involved in Bob's campaign; no effort to include him in campaign strategy, perhaps due to his defeat in 1938.

EFFECT OF BOB'S PRIVATE INVESTMENTS ON ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Recalls no impact on campaign of Bob and wife allegedly earning approximately $25,000 in investments in addition to Bob's senatorial salary.

EFFECT OF BOB'S STAND ON SPANISH CIVIL WAR ON CATHOLIC VOTE
Scope and Content Note: Recalls none.

LABOR VOTE IN PRIMARY ELECTION
Scope and Content Note: Some non-communist CIO locals supported Bob, but communist sympathizers had control of state CIO and its publications to oppose Bob. While state AF of L leaders actively supported Roosevelt and were miffed by Bob's turn to Republican Party, these “Democratic politicians” did not have network of mobilized support nor personal influence to alter outcome. More significant was local labor leadership which “sat on its hands,” citing example of Madison Trades and Labor Council. Passing of such leaders as Ohl and Handley in state AF of L possibly had effect on the election, although Ohl and Handley as socialists never contributed that much to Progressives.

CAMPAIGN ALTERNATIVES IN
Scope and Content Note: If any single factor could explain election outcome, it would be Bob's absence, although the 5,000 vote margin suggested several operative factors. 'Old-fashioned' series of campaign speeches and additional radio publicity might have helped, but all depended on Bob's presence in Wisconsin. Kyle felt Capital Times did effective and admirable job exposing McCarthy; possibly progressives should have collected newspaper articles for distribution outside Capital Times limited circulation area in addition to leafleting across the state. Campaign con- strained by small ($10-12,000) budget and overconfidence on part of Bob's friends both in Washington and in Wisconsin.

KYLE'S POLITICAL AFFILIATION DURING AND AFTER CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Unenthusiastic after 1946 primary election; possibly voted for McMurray in general election, but might have voted for a good socialist candidate had there been one. Continued to vote in Republican primaries immediately after 1946 election while former Progressives held county offices; gradually turned towards Democratic Party although not party member until early 1960s. Supported Immell in 1948 gubernatorial primary election; in general backed his trusted friend Carl Thompson; voted continually for William Proxmire.

KYLE'S RELATIONSHIP WITH PHIL AND BOB AFTER
Scope and Content Note: Occasionally encountered Phil on street in Madison; recalls no communication with Bob.

KYLE'S REACTION TO PHIL'S SUPPORT OF DOUGLAS MacARTHUR
Scope and Content Note: No respect for an ego-inflated MacArthur; did not participate in presidential primary, nor was he persuaded to vote for MacArthur. Phil had developed admiration for MacArthur while working on MacArthur's staff.

KYLE'S REACTION TO BOB'S DEATH
Scope and Content Note: Surprised and puzzled; agreed with Judge F. Ryan Duffy that Bob's suicide against his nature. Last saw Bob after 1946 primary election before Bob returned to Washington.

SIGNIFICANCE OF PROGRESSIVE PARTY IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Progressive Party uniquely equipped and qualified to advance a program of liberal legislation, e.g., rural electrification, various public works projects, Wisconsin Agricultural Authority, state labor law. Economic depression instrumental in success of the Party and its programs; permitted a coalition of special interest groups (e.g., farmers, organized labor) which would not have developed during economic prosperity. Cites examples of how labor and farmers responded to economic depression. Failure of Progressive Party in Wisconsin due to increased emphasis on the abilities and power of Roosevelt and the national New Deal rather than on the La Follettes and the state Progressive Party.

INFLUENCE OF LA FOLLETTES IN PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Ambitious and possessive power-seeking leaders; success in maintaining centralized control in Progressive Party evident in leverage over FLPF and influence over candidate endorsement.

ROLE OF FLPF IN PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Scope and Content Note: Not highly successful vehicle utilized by socialists, labor and farmer leaders, and some professional intellectuals to influence direction of Progressive Party. Efforts to endorse candidates failed, but instrumental in moving Phil farther to the left.

FLPF IMPACT ON SOCIALISTS
Scope and Content Note: Helped remove Milwaukee socialists from ballot.

KENNETH HONES AND FLPF
Scope and Content Note: Generally supported social legislation initiated by Biemiller; influential in getting support of rank and file Farmers' Union members to affiliate with organized labor and FLPF.

REFLECTIONS ON THE LA FOLLETTE TRADITION IN WISCONSIN POLITICS
Scope and Content Note: “Rebellion against...control of government by special interest groups;” begun at turn of the century with Old Bob's attempt to regulate railroad corporations; carried on by Phil and Bob and present Democratic Party. Established Wisconsin as a front rank and consistent leader in tradition of liberalism comparable only to Minnesota and North Dakota. Sustained La Follette success resulted from Wisconsin's ethnic composition; Norwegian, Finnish and German immigrants imported a distrust of government and the Norwegians, especially, implanted a strong cooperative movement.

DIRECTION OF LIBERAL TRADITION IN WISCONSIN SINCE
Scope and Content Note: Gradually inherited by Democratic Party. Liberal Republicans including older progressives in Legislature and occasional young Party members, have failed to produce any material results.

LA FOLLETTE TRADITION CONTINUES
Scope and Content Note: Battle against special interest groups remains key issue, exemplified in Wisconsin's struggle for tax reform. Kyle optimistic about efforts for further tax reform.

END OF TAPE 17, SIDE 1
Note: There is no Tape 17, Side 2.

KYLE'S ACTIVITIES IMMEDIATELY PRIOR TO SELECTION AS EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE WISCONSIN ASSOCIATION OF COOPERATIVES (WAC)
Scope and Content Note: Practiced law in both Whitewater and Madison from 1946-1948; lobbied for Wisconsin Collectors Association and other organizations in 1947 legislative session.

CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING KYLE'S SELECTION AS WAC EXECUTIVE SECRETARY
Scope and Content Note: Read newspaper article that Erich Lenz was resigning as WAC executive secretary and sent brief, frank letter to WAC president William Sanderson expressing interest in the job. Felt well qualified because of previous legislative work, interest in politics, and personal commitment to helping the “underdog,” e.g., cooperatives. Sanderson promptly contacted Lenz, who requested Kyle's resume for consideration by WAC board.

KYLE'S REASONS FOR SEEKING EXECUTIVE SECRETARY POSITION
Scope and Content Note: Position “naturally” lent itself to Kyle's interests and back- ground; involved legislative work, public relations; editing newsletter; championing a cause.

KYLE ANTICIPATES ONLY MINOR PROBLEMS IN DIRECTING WAC
Scope and Content Note: Knew Lenz had created a sound organization during WAC's first three to four years. Despite some early organizational problems, member-cooperatives united around similar goals.

COMMENTS ON MELVIN MASON
Scope and Content Note: “Rural Whitewater “right-wing progressive,” Mason an officer of Midland Cooperative Wholesale, Pure Milk Products Cooperative, and Wisconsin Council of Agriculture (WCA). As WAC board member, was a “centrist,” but Kyle not apprehensive about Mason because of long-standing rapport between them.

WAC BOARD OF DIRECTORS SUPPORTS KYLE'S APPOINTMENT
Scope and Content Note: Received support of previous acquaintances William Rabe, William Sanderson, Melvin Mason, Walter Uphoff and William Owen; cultivated a favorable relationship with Ed Whitney from Central Cooperative Wholesale, Superior, whom Sanderson and Lenz considered a “key person” on board. Not acquainted with, but received support from Gordon Dexter, Lynn Pingry, and Oscar Hunter; only dissenting vote from Newell A. Trumbower.

REASONS WHY WAC ORGANIZED
Scope and Content Note: To confront National Tax Equality Association (NTEA) efforts to impose special tax on cooperatives; to complete tasks of rural electric cooperatives; to promote common goals of cooperatives not represented elsewhere.

WAC'S PHILOSOPHICAL POSITION
Scope and Content Note: Centered around ideology of Farmers' Union, rural electric and consumer-oriented cooperatives.

WISCONSIN COUNCIL OF AGRICULTURE (WCA)
Scope and Content Note: Nominal state-wide federation of cooperatives, acting in behalf of farmers only. Farmers' Union and Midland had severed relationship in 1930's with WCA over ideological differences; rural electric cooperatives never represented in WCA. [Incorporated originally as Wisconsin Council of Agriculture, it was known variously through the years, until 1969, as the Wisconsin Council of Agriculture (Cooperative); Wisconsin Council of Agriculture Cooperatives; and Wisconsin Council of Agricultural Cooperatives.]

WCA SHOWS LITTLE CONCERN OVER NTEA ACTIVITIES
Scope and Content Note: Kyle recalls no vocal opposition from WCA over NTEA taxation proposals. WCA felt protected under federal taxation exemption law and mistakenly believed NTEA interested in taxing only cooperative patronage refunds. Gavin McKerrow's affiliation with WAC in late-1950's signified greater concern among council members over NTEA; also demonstrated more interest in growing dairy marketing problems.

WAC AND WCA DIFFERENCES
Scope and Content Note: Differences revolved around membership composition, attitudes towards business and labor, and political affiliation. WCA composed of conservative, “Stalwart,” politically-active Republicans opposing organized labor and forming “natural alliance with business,” which had acted as “front” to repeal “little Wagner Act” in 1939. WAC, “Progressive” and “Democratic,” maintained friendly relationship with labor; mutual interests and shared political philosophy exemplified in work of WAC director William Rabe. Disagreements, if any, between WAC and organized labor, were not voiced.

COMMENTS ON ERICH LENZ
Scope and Content Note: Midland Cooperative director from Merrill before serving as an original WAC director; resigned to accept executive secretary position. More aggressive and less compromising than Kyle. Left WAC to buy into a Sun Prairie farm implement business. [Hanley Implement Company]

LENZ'S EFFECTIVENESS AS EXECUTIVE SECRETARY
Scope and Content Note: Came up through the ranks and knew problems of local consumer and farm supply coops. Little experience dealing with legislators, but successfully pushed health legislation during 1947 session. Lenz faced such early internal problems as staffing and publishing WAC Bulletin.

WAC BULLETIN UNDER LENZ'S DIRECTION
Scope and Content Note: A “Holy mess.” Wordy, filled with abstract theory on cooperatives by Omar Tinglum and other “intellectuals,” ineffectual farmer- directed communication device.

KYLE'S STAFF
Scope and Content Note: Lenz assisted during Kyle's first days in office. Kyle retained Lenz's secretary and field organizer, E. J. Stanek, a former Farmers' Union field man. Stanek “low key,” loyal, accommodating; worked most effectively with farm board but had limited abilities. Later, Lawrence Jones, a former vocational school teacher and city commissioner, replaced Stanek and concentrated on educational work. Organizing potential members not as important since WAC had reached nearly all who would join.

WAC HEADQUARTERS IN MADISON
Scope and Content Note: Located originally in building owned and occupied by Wisconsin Electric Cooperative at foot of King Street facing West Wilson Street; later housed in three different offices in the one hundred block of West Main Street.

KYLE'S WORK AS NEW WAC EXECUTIVE SECRETARY
Scope and Content Note: Kyle changed format, resorted to offset printing, and tried to fill paper with relevant news to improve WAC Bulletin. Attending and participating in local cooperative annual meetings required constant attention. Had to make and maintain affiliations and contacts in Washington, D.C., as NTEA grew more active. WAC's national affiliate, National Association of Cooperatives, floundered and eventually folded due to such competing organizations as National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, Cooperative League of the U.S.A., and National Rural Electric Cooperative Association. Kyle favored WAC joining Cooperative League because of joint interests; board feared affiliation with League would identify WAC too closely with consumer groups. Board decided to apply first for membership in National Council of Farmer Cooperatives. NCFC denied membership to WAC probably because WCA, already a member of NCFC, was opposed to WAC. Left WAC open to join Cooperative League. Kyle served on Cooperative League board for over a decade including term on Executive Committee and several times delegate to International Cooperative Alliance. Cooperative League the first organization in Washington openly opposing NTEA, became vehicle through which WAC battled NTEA.

KYLE ADVOCATES CHANGE IN PROCEDURE FOR ELECTING DISTRICT DIRECTORS
Scope and Content Note: Directors originally elected in district caucuses during WAC annual meetings; later, eight directors nominated at district meetings and ratified at WAC annual meetings. Eight elected directors then formed nominating committee for other seven director slots; entrusted to select representatives from various interests, e.g., Farmers' Union, Midland Cooperative, Dairyland Power Cooperative, Wisconsin Electric Cooperative, and later credit unions.

INFLUENCE OF REGIONAL COOPERATIVES ON WAC
Scope and Content Note: Regionals paid top dues $500, as did some large individual cooperatives, since dues based on volume of business. WAC maintained control of selecting regional representatives, occasionally arousing ire of the regionals. Directors from regionals never “tried to throw their weight around;” one man, one vote principle adhered to.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS VOTING PROCEDURE
Scope and Content Note: One man, one vote created no serious problems among the fifteen directors.

WAC USE OF RADIO
Scope and Content Note: Developed in response to Wisconsin Council of Agriculture Cooperatives (WCAC) regular features on WHA; WAC used radio sporadically. Programs covered variety of topics emphasizing cooperative concept, NTEA tax proposals and legislative bills. Kyle participated in most programs; received little feedback from listeners; never discussed differences between WCAC and WAC.

WAC SPEAKERS BUREAU
Scope and Content Note: Several “vocally qualified” directors available to speak before local groups. Not widely used nor terribly successful, but complemented rural electric and regional cooperatives public messages. Contacted high schools, normal schools, and teachers' colleges to allow Kyle to discuss NTEA and state education law.

WAC USE OF TELEVISION
Scope and Content Note: WAC later participated in Bill Groves' noon “Farm Hour” on Madison's Channel 3. WAC and Kyle promoted then nonexistent state educational television network.

COOPERATIVE ADVERTISING COUNCIL
Scope and Content Note: Initially a project of regional cooperatives Midland and CENEX in which WAC cooperated.

WAC BULLETIN
Scope and Content Note: Kyle given free license to publish the WAC Bulletin, printed and illustrated by Wisconsin Electric Cooperative. Kyle improved format, prepared answers to questions on cooperatives sent to state and federal political candidates and elected officials, and printed roll call votes at end of legislative and congressional sessions. WAC maintained impartiality by quoting candidates verbatim, although falsely suspected of “playing politics.” Kyle composed intentionally biased questions to survey attitudes of politicians, but never received direct criticism from directors. When William Sanderson ran in U.S. Senate primary, the WAC Bulletin maintained strict neutrality.

KYLE'S RELATIONSHIP WITH WAC DIRECTORS
Scope and Content Note: Considered directors a “reasonable bunch of people.” Any controversy over Kyle's suggestions and recommendations resolved through discussions and mutual concessions.

WAC AND WISCONSIN COUNCIL OF AGRICULTURE COOPERATIVES (WCAC) DIFFERENCES ON PROPOSED STATE LEGISLATION
Scope and Content Note: Agreed on such important issues as opposing repeal of law requiring public school instruction in cooperatives, educational television, and NTEA. WCAC never took active position on labor legislation or cooperative health act passed in 1947 legislative session through WAC efforts.^[3] Kyle speculates that WCAC ambivalence towards cooperative health based on belief that cooperatives good only for farmers.

WAC MEMBERSHIP GROWTH
Scope and Content Note: Approximately one hundred members in 1944 increased to 360 in 1962. Non-member cooperatives wooed by WAC field man and directors, regional cooperatives' field men, and other representatives of WAC membership.

WAC TACTICS FOR INDUCING COOPERATIVES TO JOIN
Scope and Content Note: Stressed WAC's front line opposition to NTEA; offered local cooperatives assistance in legal and financial matters; portrayed WAC as information source.

WAC SUCCESS PRIOR TO KYLE'S SELECTION AS EXECUTIVE SECRETARY
Scope and Content Note: Lenz successfully identified danger of NTEA; got health bill enacted despite early strong opposition from State Medical Society of Wisconsin.

ARGUMENTS AGAINST JOINING WAC
Scope and Content Note: Kyle unable to recall single prominent argument; some local cooperatives opposed to paying membership dues; other considered WAC all talk, no action.

COMPOSITION OF WAC BOARD OF DIRECTORS
Scope and Content Note: Many veterans of cooperative movement; most 50 and over except for directors Walter Uphoff, Bill Sanderson, and Lynn Pingry. Absence of women due to their noninvolvement in local cooperatives; “agricultural mores” of the times inhibited women from active participation. Women first appeared on boards of urban cooperatives, including Midland-affiliate in Madison. WAC, following example of regional cooperatives, encouraged youth participation. Kyle initiated annual youth conferences; expanded by Glenn Anderson of Wisconsin Federation of Cooperatives after WAC and WCA merged.

KYLE'S TYPICAL WORKING DAY WHILE LEGISLATURE IN SESSION
Scope and Content Note: Visited legislators; noted and attended committee hearings directly applicable to WAC interests.

KYLE'S METHOD OF PROMOTING LEGISLATION
Scope and Content Note: Scheduled meetings with legislators; attended committee hearings; discussed issues with friends. Kyle ignored those legislators staunchly unyielding to contradictory arguments; maintained advantageous position because of lengthy experience in Wisconsin politics.

LEGISLATORS SYMPATHETIC TO WAC
Scope and Content Note: Harvey Dueholm; Ervin Bruner, former assemblyman from western Dane county; WAC board member William Owen, later both state senator and assemblyman; two-term senator John Olson from Barron county succeeding Owen as Dairyland Power Cooperative president; former University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point president William circa Hansen; John Pritchard from Eau Claire county; Vic C. (Cap) Wallin, “no heavy weight” but always reliable; Republican William Bergeron from Jackson county [actually St. Croix county], board member of Midland Cooperative Wholesale and Mutual Service Insurance; and the Rissers from Madison. Legislature supporters tended to be progressives from agricultural western Wisconsin where cooperatives prevalent, although exceptions existed. Cites example of former Progressive Party member Bergeron, elected to legislature as Republican, who voted straight Republican except on cooperative-related issues.

LEGISLATORS UNSYMPATHETIC TO WAC
Scope and Content Note: “Representatives from “silk stocking area” of Milwaukee and most representatives from Waukesha and Winnebago counties; opponents generally legislators from districts with strong private business interests and few cooperatives.”

COMMENTS ON WALTER HOLLANDER
Scope and Content Note: “Reasonable” moderate Republican senator representing conservative, yet cooperative-minded farmers. WAC occasionally received but never assured of his vote.

KYLE'S RELATIONSHIP WITH OTHER FARM LOBBYISTS IN WISCONSIN LEGISLATURE
Scope and Content Note: Kyle met occasionally with WCAC's Milo Swanton; William KasaKaitas, Wisconsin Farm Bureau; Arthur Hitt, Wisconsin Farmers' Union; and Lukasavage from Pure Milk Products Cooperative. Swanton more accessible than KasaKaitas, a “loner.”

FARM LOBBYISTS' COOPERATIVE EFFORTS
Scope and Content Note: Never met as group to discuss farm problems, except during revision of cooperative law in mid-1950's. WAC often met with WFU representatives; Swanton and KasaKaitas held similar joint discussions.

WAC AND WISCONSIN FARM BUREAU (WFB)
Scope and Content Note: Kyle disappointed in WFB's disinterest in group health bill in 1947 and rural electrification; only open opposition over WFB's stance on selective sales tax. Kyle unable to recall Farm Bureau's position on dairy enabling legislation in late-1950's, but recalls that all professional farm leaders, including such WAC board members as Webster Sprecher, supported the bill. Kyle explains personal objections to dairy farmers carrying brunt of ADA advertising costs.

NECESSITY OF RETAINING BOTH WAC AND WCAC IN AND
Scope and Content Note: Each group represented different political and economic philosophies; consolidation meant watering down strengths of each organization.

WAC/WCAC MERGER
Scope and Content Note: Not seriously discussed nor considered prior to early-1960's; recalls Melvin Mason's early ineffective efforts. Later, major disagreement for merger over one member-one vote finally mediated successfully, much to Kyle's surprise, by Wisconsin Department of Agriculture staffer Martin Abrahamson.

DAYLIGHT SAVINGS TIME BILL
Scope and Content Note: Emotional issue among farmer-members which generated surprisingly little interest among WAC's urban cooperative members. WAC expediently opposed passage in response to membership desires.

WAC'S POSITION ON SELECTIVE SALES TAX
Scope and Content Note: “Regressive tax” threatened a fundamental concept of cooperative structure that favored the underdog. Purely an economic measure strongly opposed by WAC, including farmer-members. Opposition reaffirmed annually at WAC membership meetings. Kyle refutes claim that sales tax would ease and has eased property tax burden on farmers.

RURAL HEALTH COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: Health cooperative enabling act intended to alleviate medical care needs in rural communities by providing doctors and maintaining hospitals. WAC executive secretaries Lenz and Kyle argued benefits for farmers and other rural people in midst of strong opposition from State Medical Society of Wisconsin. WCAC and WFB disinterested; reluctant to support new ideas. Wisconsin State Grange largely uninvolved in legislative lobbying; WFU probably supported. Kyle unable to recall details of WAC's exclusion from Wisconsin's first statewide rural health conference.

COOPERATIVE EDUCATION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Scope and Content Note: Kyle supposes bill introduced and passed in 1935 session^[4] by legislator seeking favor with cooperatives, but Kenneth Hones credited with passage due to numerous acquaintances in Assembly. “Special privilege” or “class interest” legislation difficult to justify, although cooperative education bill supported by cooperative associations.

COUNTY TEACHERS COLLEGE LEGISLATION
Scope and Content Note: WAC, motivated by organization's farmer constituents, favored retention of colleges. Minor “provincial” issue that stirred excitement among local farmers.

EDUCATIONAL TELEVISION
Scope and Content Note: A consumer issue that combined interests of farmers and other consumers, educational television supported by WAC, WCAC, WFB and such others as League of Women Voters of Wisconsin.

STATE-SUPPORTED MARKETING OF MILK AND DAIRY PRODUCTS
Scope and Content Note: WAC advocated development of large state-wide, state-supported dairy marketing cooperative to stabilize milk prices by returning more “middleman profits” to farmers. State aid in the form of marketing orders needed for early stages of organization. First state-wide dairy marketing organization temporarily succeeded in 1920's; WAC in 1950's incorporated a dairy marketing cooperative in attempt to replicate for Wisconsin dairy plants what Minnesota Cooperative Creameries (later Land O'Lakes) had done in Minnesota. WAC cooperative failed because of lack of interest and WAC's inexperience in dairy marketing.

WAC PRODUCTION MARKETING COOPERATIVE (PMC)
Scope and Content Note: Intended to emulate Minnesota's Land O'Lakes successful pioneer work in distributing dairy products, PMC operated a small business which contracted with Honey Creek Valley Dairy Cooperative in Sauk County to fill orders for a wide variety of quality cheese. Also functioned as a propaganda arm by publicizing agricultural economists' statistics showing middlemen's profits from dairy product sales. Failed to develop into an effective marketing organization because of time constraints and competing plans for development among many dairy cooperatives. WAC felt state legislation needed to help develop dairy marketing cooperatives, although a national organization would have been more ideal marketing mechanism.

ERVIN BRUNER, CHAIRMAN OF WAC DAIRY COMMITTEE
Scope and Content Note: Young, energetic, enthusiastic, and qualified “procedural leader.”

CONSOLIDATION EFFORTS TO FORM EFFECTIVE DAIRY MARKETING COOPERATIVE
Scope and Content Note: WAC discussed marketing cooperatives with several agricultural economists and WAC's own dairy members, but felt PMC not significantly developed to warrant meetings with such marketing cooperatives as Land O'Lakes, Lake-to-Lake Dairy Cooperative (Manitowoc), or Consolidated Badger Cooperative (Shawano), both affiliated with WCAC. Political affiliations and reluctance of local cooperatives to join an umbrella cooperative hampered success of dairy coop mergers.

PMC AIDS THE CONSUMER
Scope and Content Note: Farmer-controlled dairy marketing cooperatives intended to provide farmers greater proportion of profits formerly accrued by middlemen and to pass on those savings to the consumer.

DAIRY MARKETING ISSUE BECOMES A MAJOR COMMITMENT FOR KYLE
Scope and Content Note: Various, diverse, and keen interests in WAC over dairy products marketing required Kyle to funnel much time and effort into marketing problems.

NATIONAL SUPPORT FOR DAIRY MARKETING COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: Federal government unable to affect dairy marketing mechanism in early-1950's; such national organizations as Cooperative League of the USA also supported WAC's cooperative marketing efforts.

WAC FAVORS HIGH MILK PRICE SUPPORTS
Scope and Content Note: Reinforced WAC's concept that dairy marketing cooperatives benefited both farmer and consumer by redistributing some of middleman share. Individual consumers generally not interested in price levels of farm products, although several national consumer organizations and National Farmers' Union supported interests of farmer cooperatives.

GROUPS WHICH REGULARLY OPPOSE WAC
Scope and Content Note: Such specialized groups as gasoline stations, trade associations, and retail grocers threatened by competition from cooperatives, but usually remained aloof. Wisconsin Manufacturers' Association and State Chamber of Commerce never supported WAC but never openly clashed either.

NATIONAL TAX EQUALITY ASSOCIATION (NTEA) OPPOSITION TO COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: Federal internal revenue code granted income tax exemptions on common-stock dividends to members of cooperatives which did nearly all business with farmers. NTEA demand for taxing of all patronage refunds, an attack on savings individual consumers made by buying cooperatively, “would have been disastrous for coops and was totally unfair.” Kyle illustrates resemblance between cooperative dividends and private business rebates, both of which are untaxed.

COOPERATIVES FIND NTEA PROPOSALS UNACCEPTABLE
Scope and Content Note: NTEA proposals called for punitive taxing of cooperatives' patronage dividends, even though rebates and discounts considered tax-free business expenses for private corporations.

NTEA CONNECTION WITH PRIVATE POWER COMPANIES
Scope and Content Note: NTEA hoped to raise rural cooperative power rates by increasing REA taxes, while private power companies sought to become viable competitors after increased farm mechanization made rural electric service a lucrative business.

REA COOPERATIVES COMBAT ECONOMIC COMPETITION
Scope and Content Note: Unlike the U.S. Farm Security Administration which folded due to post-New Deal political opposition, REA threatened instead by economic competition. REA cooperatives became less dependent on national government, increasingly using own resources to compete with private power companies.

REASON FOR NTEA FIGHT AGAINST COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: NTEA, alarmed by growth of cooperatives during and after World War II, tried to “hamstring” or bankrupt the cooperatives. Opposition to cooperative gains likely in such conservative communities as Monroe (Green county), but Kyle recalls rare anti-coop sentiment among small-town businessmen.

PRIVATE POWER COMPANIES IN WISCONSIN CONTRIBUTE HEAVILY TO NTEA
Scope and Content Note: Kyle not surprised because private power companies have a “history of being politically conscious and putting their money where their thoughts were.”

ANECDOTE ABOUT BUSINESS OPPOSITION TO COOPERATIVES IN WHITEWATER
Scope and Content Note: Latent opposition stretched back to early-1940's; recalls Whitewater cooperative's difficulty in buying land from a bank whose president was also in the coal and lumber business.

COMMENTS ON U.S. REP. NOAH MASON, ILLINOIS
Scope and Content Note: Early congressional supporter of NTEA and Republican member of the House Ways and Means Committee, but not a formidable foe. Kyle speculates that support of NTEA a source of national attention and campaign financing for Mason.

COMMENTS ON U.S. SEN. JOHN WILLIAMS, DELAWARE
Scope and Content Note: Williams, a feed-dealer, initially supported NTEA but later backed off.

CONGRESSIONAL OPPOSITION TO COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: One-third of the Ways and Means Committee members probably against cooperatives but no strong opposition voiced in committee hearings concerning NTEA proposals. Conservative Republican Rep. John W. Byrnes of Green Bay early “saw through this tax business” and supported cooperatives.

COOPERATIVES' SUPPORT FROM MEMBERS OF THE WISCONSIN DELEGATION
Scope and Content Note: Consistent support from congressmen Merlin Hull, Bernard Gehrmann, Harry Sauthoff, Gerald Boileau, and Gardner Withrow. Senators Alexander Wiley and Joseph McCarthy, recognizing political strength of farmers and cooperatives, neither hindered nor helped the fight against NTEA.

COMMENTS ON RED-BAITING OF COOPERATIVE LEADERS
Scope and Content Note: McCarthy picked out individual cooperators but never cooperatives in general. Kyle considers the worst example of red-baiting was that of Erich Lenz, born in Russia, led by state senator Gordon A. Bubolz of Appleton.

WAC PROTESTS McCARTHY'S ANTI-REA LEGISLATION
Scope and Content Note: Legislation, killed in committee, probably introduced because McCarthy influenced by utility lobbyists. McCarthy “didn't know what it was all about.”

COOPERATIVE LEAGUE OF THE U.S.A. AND THE NATIONAL RURAL ELECTRIC OOPERATIVE ASSOCIATION WATCH WAC's INTERESTS IN WASHINGTON, D.C
Scope and Content Note: League's Washington office coordinated WAC legislative program.

COMMENTS ON CITIZEN DAVE DOUGLAS
Scope and Content Note: Anti-coop propaganda movie which promoted NTEA tax proposals by depicting cooperative “abuse.”

COMMENTS ON NTEA PHONEY COOPERATIVE BUCK PROMOTION
Scope and Content Note: Campaign used to promote NTEA belief that dollar's value would increase if cooperatives paid taxes that NTEA proposed. WAC countered by collecting and burning the phoney bills and distributing their own dollar bills, made from rubber, to publicize slogan that cooperatives enabled people to stretch their dollars.

OTHER WAC ANTI-NTEA ACTIVITIES
Scope and Content Note: Radio; speeches; hearings; WAC Bulletin.

NTEA STRATEGY FROM
Scope and Content Note: Essential issue remained tax equality; no substantial red-baiting.

COMMENTS ON INTERNAL REVENUE ACT OF
Scope and Content Note: No major difficulties for cooperatives since NTEA had made no substantial inroads.

POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF NTEA
Scope and Content Note: No direct support or connection between NTEA and any political party.

NTEA OPPOSITION TO COOPERATIVES SINCE
Scope and Content Note: Publications with which Kyle is familiar show no evidence of recent activity.

COMMENTS ON BANKING FIRMS AND SAVINGS AND LOAN ORGANIZATIONS
Scope and Content Note: Both banks and savings and loans “only interested in preserving what privileges they have.” Savings and loan companies are membership organizations only in a nominal sense; actually run by officers.

WAC RELATIONSHIP WITH OTHER REGIONAL AND NATIONAL COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: Close relationship with member regionals, e.g., Midland, Farmers' Union Central Exchange, Wisconsin Farmers' Union, both statewide organizations of the Wisconsin Rural Electric Cooperative (Wisconsin Generating Electric Cooperative and Wisconsin Retail and Public Relations Electric), and later, the Wisconsin Association of Town Mutual Insurance Companies. Group Health Insurance and Mutual Service Insurance not officially regionals but were dealt with as such. Affiliated nationally with the Cooperative League of the U.S.A. and the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association; WAC participated in triennial meetings of the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA) through the Cooperative League. League dues structure in part based on volume; WAC paid small fee as a statewide organization. League national board adhered to one man, one vote principle. Kyle was League delegate at several ICA meetings in Europe, a member of the executive committee for five years, and on the board of directors for about ten years.

COMMENTS ON THE COOPERATIVE HEALTH FEDERATION OF AMERICA
Scope and Content Note: Kyle served two two-year terms as national director (1954-1958) of CHFA, name of which later changed to Group Health Federation of America. In Wisconsin, a pioneer state for group health, the Federation encountered few problems. Elsewhere, participating doctors were often barred from staff positions by hospital governing boards. Federation successfully countered by bringing suits under Sherman Anti-Trust Act. Kyle underscores differences between these early group health efforts and the current program developed by the Nixon administration in the early-1970's through which consumer-run Health Maintenance Organizations (HMOs) receive federal subsidies.

FURTHER COMMENTS ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATIVE ALLIANCE
Scope and Content Note: Large regional groups directly affiliated with ICA in same manner as the Coop League. ICA delegates from Russia and Czechoslovakia, obviously controlled by their governments, were a propaganda problem but never gained control of ICA. Jerry Voohris the League's most vocal and effective opponent of communist political control of ICA.

ICA MEETINGS PROVIDE WORTHWHILE INTERNATIONAL CONTACTS
Scope and Content Note: Kyle exposed to “very effective” cooperatives of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Manchester when in Europe for ICA conventions. International Cooperative Insurance Committee and International Cooperative Petroleum Association grew out of contacts made during these meetings, which were otherwise basically unproductive debates between Russians and others.

GOVERNMENT CONTROL OF COOPERATIVES IN COMMUNISTIC COUNTRIES
Scope and Content Note: Lack of state control over cooperatives in United States magnified by complete state control in communist countries where cooperatives are a “branch of the government” and cooperatives in name only.

GOVERNMENT SUPPORT OF COOPERATIVES IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES
Scope and Content Note: Well-established cooperatives readily accepted by European business and political circles but receive little government help. European governments in comparison with U.S. government exercise greater control over both private and cooperative business.

KYLE CONSIDERS SCANDINAVIAN COOPERATIVES' MARKETING STRUCTURE A MODEL FOR THE UNITED STATES
Scope and Content Note: Norway an example of country which retained competitive retail pricing but substantially increased the farmers' share of milk dollar to detriment of middlemen. Production controls partially responsible for greater market power. Kyle publicized financial advantages that similar production controls would have for the U.S. farmer.

RIVALRY BETWEEN WAC AND WCAC FOR MEMBERS
Scope and Content Note: WAC tried to “organize the unorganized.” WCAC unsuccessfully attempted to recruit some rural electric cooperatives (REAs), most of whom were already members of WAC. WAC attempt to develop dairy marketing program resulted in large membership gains among the basically unorganized dairy cooperatives. Not uncommon for cooperatives to have joint memberships in WCAC and WAC.

WCAC DEVELOPS INTO AN ORGANIZATION OF COOPERATIVE MANAGERS
Scope and Content Note: Widely circulated, valid observation that WCAC board of directors dominated by cooperative managers; tendency of larger organizations to “drift in that direction,” e.g., Midland Cooperative Wholesale also dominated by managers. WAC, avoiding manager dominance, benefited from criticism of WCAC's structure.

WAC AND WCAC RENEW MERGER TALKS
Scope and Content Note: WCAC, Midland, and some joint WAC/WCAC members developed renewed interest in merger in late-1950's or early-1960's. Both WAC and WCAC set up merger committees.

KYLE'S CHAIRMANSHIP OF THE WAC MERGER COMMITTEE
Scope and Content Note: After being elected president in 1962, Kyle became chairman of existing WAC merger committee, which had accomplished little. Merger talks stalemated again after WCAC merger committee drafted plan that abandoned WAC's traditional one member - one vote rule. Milo Swanton (WCAC's committee chairman) and Kyle had long-standing personality conflict and philosophical differences which further hampered merger efforts. Merger talks succeeded after Swanton and Kyle left their respective committees.

KYLE REPLACES WILLIAM RABE AS WAC PRESIDENT
Scope and Content Note: Rabe “never was a strong president;” inarticulate and lacked organizational skills necessary to direct WAC board meetings. Kyle, who had resigned as executive secretary to take full-time job with state of Wisconsin, a “logical choice” for presidency.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS' ASSESSMENT OF LAWRENCE JONES AS EXECUTIVE SECRETARY
Scope and Content Note: Kyle's election to WAC presidency reflected board's desire to have meetings run on a business-like basis; and not related to board's assessment of Jones' limitations. Age of Jones a factor and everyone knew that “Lawrence didn't have some of the characteristics that I [Kyle] had,” but manifest discontent with Jones' performance not expressed during Kyle's one-year presidency.

BOARD SELECTS GLENN ANDERSON TO REPLACE JONES AS WAC EXECUTIVE SECRETARY
Scope and Content Note: Kyle not involved in board's selection of Anderson for executive secretary position, but knew Anderson well from his group health cooperative work and believed he would do a good job. Consumer, producer, of REA factions played no role in board selection.

WAC/WCAC MERGE TO FORM WISCONSIN FEDERATION OF COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: WAC and WCAC merged in 1969 to become WFC. Anderson continued to consult Kyle about merger after Kyle's term as State Securities Commissioner ended in 1967. Kyle not opposed to merger but wanted new organization to reflect WAC's interests.

MERGER A REFLECTION OF COOPERATIVE CONSOLIDATIONS IN AND
Scope and Content Note: Wisconsin only had had two state-wide cooperative associations; merger was “inevitable.” Resulted in some compromise of interests, but has worked out relatively well.

BALANCING INTERESTS OF VARIOUS MEMBER COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: WAC concentrated on common problems of members, e.g., the tax situation and educational interests. No serious internal disagreements; WAC did not get involved in internal problems of members.

LITTLE FACTIONALISM AMONG DIRECTORS
Scope and Content Note: Some board members more liberal than others but differences talked out and no factions developed. Very few roll call decisions.

IMPACT OF REGIONAL COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: No serious conflict over fact that regional cooperative associations didn't have voice in cooperative federation that Minnesota regionals exercised. WAC used one man, one vote rule regardless of dues schedule, revised periodically to accommodate cooperatives which had cash shortages or had suffered unusual losses.

EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN SOLVENCY OF INDIVIDUAL COOPERATIVES
Scope and Content Note: WAC advised cooperatives to limit personal credit to maintain favorable ratio of sales to accounts receivable. Referred financially-troubled cooperatives to Bank for Cooperatives if eligible, or advised merger or dissolution. Both Wisconsin Department of Agriculture and regional cooperatives had auditing services available to local coops.

LIBERAL IDEOLOGY OF CENTRAL COOPERATIVE WHOLESALE (CCW) OF SUPERIOR
Scope and Content Note: Originally a Finnish cooperative with some communist members. From early-1920's to 1948, communists attempted to use the cooperative for political purposes. Apolitical position favored by most cooperative members. CCW evolved to a moderate, liberal ideology.

COOPERATION BETWEEN URBAN AND RURAL WAC BOARD MEMBERS
Scope and Content Note: No ideological strife on the board; WAC urged labor unions to start consumers' cooperatives and offered to assist them.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN WAC AND ORGANIZED LABOR
Scope and Content Note: While Kyle was executive secretary, WAC and state labor groups (AF of L, CIO, UAW, and Railway Brotherhoods) had “friendly relationship.” Had mutual contacts; maintained neutrality in regard to their respective legislative programs. WAC offered to mediate 1948 dispute between a striking union and Consolidated Badger Cooperative, Shawano, a strong WCAC member.

COMMENTS ON WILLIAM SANDERSON
Scope and Content Note: Sanderson originally a farmer, went into office management, later elected secretary of the Farmers' Union Central Exchange board of directors. “Bill was a natural leader,” had good solid judgment, and was a cooperative director with more business experience than any other WAC director.

WAC POSITION WHEN SANDERSON RAN FOR U.S. SENATE
Scope and Content Note: While Sanderson had many other connections and it would have been good to have WAC director in U.S. Senate, Kyle and others also saw hazard that WAC would become directly involved in politics. Some WAC board members had unexpressed feeling against Sanderson running as a Democrat.

SANDERSON'S SENATE CAMPAIGN
Scope and Content Note: Sanderson not red-baited; “he was regarded above that.” Primary campaign between Sanderson, Tom Fairchild, strongly supported by the Young Turks (former Young Progressives), and Dan Hoan, still a power in Milwaukee. Sanderson openly supported by cooperative-labor people, which wasn't enough. Sanderson especially handicapped by lack of name recognition.

WAC POSITION DURING WALTER UPHOFF'S GUBERNATORIAL CAMPAIGN ON SOCIALIST TICKET
Scope and Content Note: WAC board not concerned because Uphoff known as a long-time socialist, “everybody knew he wasn't going anyplace in the campaign,” and he didn't have WAC leadership position held by Sanderson.

UPHOFF'S CONTRIBUTION TO WAC BOARD OF DIRECTORS
Scope and Content Note: Uphoff respected as “a good, level-headed thinker with a thoroughly liberal and coop philosophy.” His socialist leanings meant a great interest in cooperative health legislation.

BOARD'S REACTION TO KENNETH HONES
Scope and Content Note: Most board members aware of Hones' abrasive manner from working with him prior to his election as WAC director. Respected by other directors but not a power on the board. Commitments to Wisconsin Farmers' Union and Farmers' Union national board resulted in irregular attendance at WAC meetings.

HONES' VIGOROUS ANTI-COMMUNISM
Scope and Content Note: Publicly red-baited those in Wisconsin Farmers' Union who opposed his presidency, sometimes with supporting evidence but most often not.

COMMENTS ON MELVIN MASON
Scope and Content Note: Kyle long acquainted with Mason, who was “a good, level-headed farmer.” Substantiated by his election to the Pure Milk Products Cooperative presidency.

BILL RABE'S CONTRIBUTION AS A WAC DIRECTOR
Scope and Content Note: Rabe, as long-time director, president of the Camp Douglas Farmers' Union Cooperative, president of the Oakdale Electric Cooperative, and officer of Wisconsin Rural Electric Coop, the logical successor to WAC presidency. Rabe's complete integrity and devotion to cooperative movement far outweighed his difficulty in expressing himself effectively.

COMMENTS ON JERRY F. SHEA AND LYNN PINGRY AS BOARD MEMBERS
Scope and Content Note: Pingry, Shea's son-in-law, elected from the northern-most Wisconsin district, while Shea served short term as Midland's representative. Both good businessmen, largely nonpolitical. Pingry succeeded Uphoff as board secretary; later became a Midland fieldman.