November 16, 1978 Session

Introduction

Both the Textile Division and the Clothing Division of ACTWU Are Moving to Temporary Quarters While the Old Amalgamated Clothing Workers Building Is Being Remodeled
Scope and Content Note: The Pension Fund, the Health Plan, and the New York Joint Board will remain in the TWUA building, which they have purchased.

There Were Only a Few Instances in Which Northern Employers Used Racial or Ethnic Prejudices in Their Efforts to Prevent TWUA Organizing
Scope and Content Note: In earlier years, however, employers would exclude certain ethnic groups because they were giving preference to certain other ethnic groups.

Raiding Between TWUA and UTW
Scope and Content Note: During the first several years of TWUA`s existence, there was considerable raiding. Since the AFL-CIO merger, there has been no raiding and very little competition for the same groups of unorganized workers.

Johnson & Johnson Personal Products Plant “Raid” in Chicago in the Late 1950s
Scope and Content Note: That unfortunate incident was the result of “a relationship that existed between some people in Johnson & Johnson management and Baldanzi”

The Relationship Between TWUA and UTW after the AFL-CIO Merger
Scope and Content Note: Except for merger discussions, the UTW leadership was not interested in any kind of a working relationship between the two unions.

After Stetin Became President in 1972, He Sent to All TWUA Vice Presidents and Directors a Memorandum Concerning the UTW
Scope and Content Note: The memo followed a convention resolution and discussions which had taken place in the Executive Council concerning a possible merger with the UTW. Stetin stressed the importance of developing “a closer, personal relationship with all UTW leadership” - top leadership, local leadership, and staff. However, the UTW leadership was not interested and directed its people to avoid cooperation with TWUA.

TWUA Offered to Cooperate with UTW on Johnson & Johnson
Scope and Content Note: UTW boycotted joint meetings on Johnson & Johnson. Recently, a local president of a UTW Johnson & Johnson plant in Texas participated in negotiations with TWUA Johnson & Johnson locals in Chicago. The TWUA, however, had to pay his expenses.

Recently Stetin Has Discussed with the Coordinated Bargaining Committee of the IUD the Possibility of a Meeting of All Organized Johnson & Johnson Locals
Scope and Content Note: The UTW will only participate on the International level; it does not wish to have its locals participate.

In 1973, Stetin and Rubenstein Formulated a Program of Cooperation Between the TWUA and the UTW, But It Was Never Implemented
Scope and Content Note: The program included putting all UTW locals and staff on the TWUA mailing list, suggesting a joint meeting of the two executive councils, urging regular meetings and cooperation on the local level and also mutual assistance in organizing. Stetin, instead, opted to meet with George Meany to see what he could do.

Meeting of TWUA Johnson & Johnson Locals During the 1978 ACTWU Convention
Scope and Content Note: The locals complained to Stetin about the lack of cooperation from the UTW and urged him again to take the matter to George Meany. Stetin intends to act on their suggestion.

In 1974 TWUA Contributed $1,000 to the Strike Fund of a UTW Local
Scope and Content Note: UTW President Francis Schaufenbil viewed this as a “political stunt.”

Had He Lived, Baldanzi May Have Been Receptive to a Merger of the TWUA with the UTW
Scope and Content Note: Stetin feels Baldanzi was more interested in merging with either the Boot and Shoe Workers or the Paper Workers. At one time Baldanzi suggested to Stetin a three-way merger with the Paper Workers, but Stetin “wasn't about to merge with (recently indicted) Joe Tonelli,” President of the Paper Workers.

There Was Never Any Cooperation Between the Two Unions on the Problem of Imports

Pollock Did Work for Merger and Could Have Brought It About
Scope and Content Note: However, Baldanzi wanted the entire Executive Council of the UTW to become part of the Executive Council of the merged union, and Pollock refused. It would not necessarily have been a fifty-fifty split on the merged Council.

After Chupka's Retirement, There Were Other Potential Candidates for the Position of Secretary-Treasurer Besides Stetin
Scope and Content Note: Daoust, Hueter, and Bill DuChessi. Stetin was chosen partly because he “had held most every kind of job in the Union,” and partly because Hueter recommended Stetin as the logical choice because of Stetin's knowledge of the Union. Daoust would have been the logical choice because of the many positions he had held within the Union, but he had developed a drinking problem which affected both him and “Pollock's judgement of him.”

More on Harold Daoust
Scope and Content Note: “He was a very decent guy.” Daoust was elected to the Executive Council at the 1950 convention; but he immediately resigned so that Bishop, who had been defeated for Executive Vice President, could have his seat because he felt that Bishop should be on the Council.

Introduction

When Daoust Died, Stetin Split Up His Many Directorships Amongst Many People
Scope and Content Note: This was for the purpose of getting more people involved in the leadership.

It Was an Oversight That Baldanzi's Name Did Not Appear on the 1972 Convention Resolution “TWUA Departed” after His Death

The 1970 Convention Found Pollock at the Height of His Leadership in the Union
Scope and Content Note: A large part of this was due to the presence of Stetin as Secretary-Treasurer. Many people were very pleased that he had moved into a position of leadership, and he helped give Pollock a better image. Also, Stetin's speaking abilities created enthusiasm; Chupka had not been a great speaker. Pollock had an image of being a tough guy. Stetin is much softer and wishes, at times, that he had Pollock's toughness. Stetin acted as Pollock's right arm.

Pollock's Retirement in 1972
Scope and Content Note: He was ill and had been in and out of the hospital during his last year as President. He announced his retirement at an Executive Council meeting and recommended that Stetin succeed him. Stetin did not have to do any campaigning, although he did ask Scott Hoyman to nominate him and Charlie Lazzio to second the nomination.

DuChessi's Election as Secretary-Treasurer in 1972
Scope and Content Note: In terms of seniority, either DuChessi or Daoust were the logical choices, but Daoust was again passed over because of his drinking problem.

In 1972 an Attempt Was Made to Revive the Position of Executive Vice President
Scope and Content Note: Five joint boards submitted resolutions favoring this revival. Daoust and Swaity were most interested in this, partly for their own advancement and partly to upgrade the status of organizing.

Why Pollock Failed to Be Named President Emeritus
Scope and Content Note: He was stubborn and wanted to accomplish it only in his own way. He refused to accommodate the wishes of even his close associates. The general feeling of the convention was that if he was successful, he would be “breathing down the president's neck.” Stetin supported Pollock's efforts. Had Pollock gone through the Executive Council, he would have been successful in his attempt. Another factor against Pollock was the poor way he had handled the motion on Chupka's pension at the 1968 convention.

Poor Staff Morale When Stetin Became President
Scope and Content Note: The morale problem was not confined to TWUA; it was felt throughout the American labor movement. Labor is more concerned with its own material well being than it is with the broader aspects of the labor movement. High salaries for union officers and staff today and the lack of concern for the unorganized are “a god-damned disgrace.” Stetin, himself, works harder today than when he was president. In TWUA, the staff union's concern for higher salaries and pensions merely reflected the attitudes of the Executive Council.

Reviving the Spirit of the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: Hopefully, after George Meany leaves, more and more people will speak up. Meany has done a good job, “but the time has come when he ought to leave.”

The British Trades Union Congress Compared to the AFL-CIO
Scope and Content Note: Stetin recently attended its convention and was very impressed. In the United States, George Meany is the spokesman for labor; not so in Britain.

More on the Revival of the Spirit of the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: Stetin is hopeful, but it will probably take a new generation of thinkers and doers. This may come with the next recession or depression.

The Changing Climate in the Working Class and the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: High unemployment is making these people more vocal. Unfortunately, labor leadership rarely mixes with the poor.

TWUA Attempts to Organize Non-Textile Plants
Scope and Content Note: This happened, but not in any organized way. This is an unhealthy trend in the labor movement; it is “like a free-enterprise movement.”

The IUD'S Coordinated Bargaining Concept Should Be Expanded to Coordinated Organizing
Scope and Content Note: Stetin hopes to pursue this as chairman of the IUD Organizing Committee.

At the Time of Merger in 1976, Between Five and Ten Percent of the TWUA Membership Was Non-Textile

The TWUA Attempt to Merge with the Industrial Trades Union (ITU) of Woonsocket, Rhode Island, Was Handled Primarily by Pollock and Daoust

Introduction

Merger Talks with Other Unions
Scope and Content Note: There were discussions with both the Chemical Workers and the Rubber Workers in 1968 and again in 1975, but these discussions produced no positive results. The Rubber Workers were considered because the textile industry is becoming more involved with plastics, rubber-coated fabrics, and synthetic fibers.

It Would Have Been Very Difficult for Pollock to Have Merged with a Larger Union

Between 1970 and 1974, There Was No Real Interest in Merger on the Part of the TWUA Executive Council with Either the ACW or the ILG
Scope and Content Note: TWUA was not able to get help from either of these unions on coordinated bargaining; they were still operating in old ways and with old ideas. At least with the ACW, a change of leadership was necessary before any merger negotiations could take place.

Initial Merger Talks with the ACW
Scope and Content Note: Stetin had known Jacob (Jack) Sheinkman, counsel for ACW. He was seen as a young man with social vision. It was Sheinkman who suggested merger discussions between TWUA and ACW.

Stetin Had Long Believed There Should Be an Apparel-Textile Department within the AFL-CIO

As Far Back as the Early 1930s, Textile Union Leaders Had Attempted to Get Agreements from the Garment Unions to Honor Textile Union Labels
Scope and Content Note: Stetin met in the early 1930s with the ILG's David Dubinsky to attempt such an agreement for the Dyers label. In the late 1930s Joe Hueter and Bill Pollock met with ACW leaders to discuss the interlining label. They could not, however, reach an agreement. The Taft-Hartley law then declared such agreements illegal secondary boycotts. Each union was too self-centered.

Wanda Rieve's Message to the Merger Convention
Scope and Content Note: She referred to the merger of textile and clothing as a dream of Rieve's and Hillman's. Perhaps in later years this was true, but in 1939 Rieve, Baldanzi, and Pollock were interested in setting up their own organization and getting away from the ACW.

Since the Merger, ACW Has Come to Realize the Many Problems Facing Textile Unionism
Scope and Content Note: The lack of master agreements and coordinated bargaining; the lack of “discipline,” with a greater degree of “bottom up” decision making; an unorganized industry. Sidney Hillman might have realized this in 1939; and that may have combined with the ambitions of Textile people to account for the formation of TWUA in 1939.

Merger with the ACW Was Approved by 95-97 Percent of the Delegates at the TWUA Merger Convention

The Major Hurdles to Merger
Scope and Content Note: To make certain there was a separate Textile Division so that TWUA would not lose its identity or its ability to continue to function in ways it was used to; and the issue of the size of the Executive Council.

The Issue of J.P. Stevens Was “Paramount” to Merger
Scope and Content Note: ACW had to be prepared to embark on an all-out boycott. ACW's decision to do this has resulted in a coalition of people from all walks of life which has resulted in a degree of activity that even the Farm Workers' boycott did not attain.

Breakthrough in the South
Scope and Content Note: It cannot be done until the labor movement and southern people attain a winning attitude which has been lacking since the 1934 strike. The big obstacle is still fear, created by the textile defeats in 1934, 1951, and 1960 (Harriet-Henderson), and also the Kayser-Roth decision against the Union. Also, other unions have suffered similar defeats. A victorious movement is needed to create an aura of power. When negotiating in the South, the Union always worries whether it will be able to retain past contract gains and whether it will have the power to strike. As Secretary-Treasurer, Stetin spent a lot of time in the South, sensed this fear, and realized it must be overcome before organizing progress could be made.

The ACW Was “Wary” of Getting Involved with the J.P. Stevens Campaign
Scope and Content Note: They remembered their own problems during the Farah campaign, which was touch and go. Sheinkman and Murray Finley were able to convince the ACW Executive Council to take a chance. Sheinkman and Finley “sensed that here was a chance to become a more outstanding union.”

Bargaining with Southern Employers Today
Scope and Content Note: The local-union people are often more militant than the staff; it is not easy to convince them to be cautious.

Current Efforts to Weaken Unions
Scope and Content Note: Since Larry Heath became the head of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) and started his movement for “a union-free environment,” there has been an effort to weaken, if not destroy, unions in America. Thus, the Union can never be sure what “give-backs” will be demanded by management at bargaining time. With thirty years of Taft-Hartley weakening unions, “the employers feel their oats now.” Examples of recent ill-advised strikes by some locals. Without economic power, unions cannot get political power.

Opposition to Merger
Scope and Content Note: Those opposing merger did not wish to see TWUA lose its identity. Several vice presidents were skeptical of the merger, but they trusted Stetin's judgement.

Stetin Feels He Cannot Retire until the Merger Is Fully Accomplished
Scope and Content Note: He feels a responsibility to those skeptical vice presidents. The merger has given him many headaches, but he is convinced he did the right thing. He sees a future when the Textile Division will be bigger than the Clothing Division.