The McGovern papers when finally organized consisted of about 15,000 pieces. The collection was divided into six series following generally McGovern's own arrangement. With the exception of the series called Endorsements and Applications, whose documents are filed according to jobs sought, the papers have been arranged chronologically within each series. Incoming and copies of outgoing correspondence comprise practically the entire collection. There are a few reports, lists of party supporters, miscellaneous notations, and a box of bills and receipts. The six series are:
- Personal Correspondence, 1909, 1910-1915, 1935
- Nomination Papers Correspondence, 1912 June-August
- Market Commission Bill Papers, 1913-1914
- Bills and Receipts, 1910-1914
- Endorsements and Applications for appointments to state positions, 1910-1915
- Harry Curran Wilbur (executive clerk and political manager) Correspondence, 1911-1915
When the collection was received, it was hoped that it would reveal the process by which the flood of progressive legislation that went through during the McGovern terms was formulated and adopted. It was expected that the collection would be an inside story of a “bloodless revolution.” Unfortunately the papers contain very little material of this nature. There is a good deal of correspondence concerning job-seekers, some correspondence with university officials dealing with appropriations for and government of the University, and a box of material on the proposed Market Commission Bill of 1913. But apparently the records, if any, of political maneuvers that may have been used in pushing bills through the Legislature were taken from the files. Perhaps the explanation may lie in the fact that the progressive majority in the Legislature enjoyed such power that the usual political machinations involved in getting bills adopted were not necessary.
At any rate, the papers are primarily concerned with keeping the progressives within the Republican Party behind McGovern and to winning new adherents for the governor. After the La Follette-McGovern split of 1912, the job of keeping the progressives behind McGovern became extremely difficult. McGovern had to explain his actions at the Chicago convention in such a way as to show that he had not intended to desert La Follette and also he had to give the impression that he was still friendly with La Follette. In some hundred or so letters to prominent local progressives throughout the state, McGovern and his executive clerk, Harry C. Wilbur, split hairs with masterful precision. Few of the letters were exactly alike, each being slanted to appeal to the nature of the addressee. The logic and gentle cajolery contained in the letters, however, were no match for La Follette's fury and influence, and so within two years a great progressive was retired to the sidelines.
PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE, 1909, 1910-1915, 1935: The first 19 boxes of the collection comprise the governor's personal correspondence, covering the full period of his two terms. There were a few letters written to him before his election mostly by prescient job-seekers and well-wishers. For a few months following his election McGovern received batches of congratulatory letters, most of which included requests for jobs. Free advice and many warnings on the evil effects of certain progressive legislation, particularly the income tax which McGovern proposed, were also sprinkled through these early letters. The few La Follette letters, mere notes referring job-seekers to McGovern, come at this time.
Following this initial flood of correspondence, there is a thinning out and several short gaps occur. The correspondence swells to more than its original proportions, however, as the Republican National Convention of June, 1912 approaches. Most of the correspondence is not directly concerned with the convention, but it seems that McGovern is trying to strengthen his position. Just before the convention McGovern received two interesting telegrams, one from William J. Barnes, the Republican leader in New York, asking McGovern to support Senator Root, Taft's man for the temporary chairmanship of the convention, and one from the editor of the New York World urging him to back Roosevelt's candidacy for the presidential nomination. McGovern refused the former request, denouncing Root as a “Tory”; but he either did not reply to the latter request or he extracted the copy of his reply from the files. During this period McGovern also corresponded with several Progressive leaders throughout the state asking for support of his plan to unite Roosevelt and La Follette delegates on a “progressive” chairman, thereby securing for the liberal wing of the Republican Party immediate control of the convention. With the chair in progressive hands, McGovern argued, the convention could be swung to La Follette. La Follette certainly would have no chance, according to McGovern, if the Taft forces took control at the outset. No objection to McGovern's proposal appears in the correspondence. The objections apparently came in a caucus of La Follette delegates held just before the convention opened. McGovern's proposal was voted down by the caucus, but, still hopeful, McGovern had his name placed before the convention as a candidate for temporary chairman. La Follette refused to go along with McGovern, and the rest is history.
Before the convention ended McGovern received a note from three solicitous Milwaukee gentlemen ominously hinting at the consequences of McGovern's act: “We the undersigned know of a law office for rent.” McGovern made an excoriating reply to the note, and entered vigorously into a campaign to hold his Wisconsin political position. The correspondence of both McGovern and his executive clerk, Harry C. Wilbur, from late June of 1912 until the Senatorial election of November, 1914, consists of the record of McGovern's attempt to overcome La Follette's power. He failed by about 900 votes, for that was the margin which Paul 0. Husting, the Democratic candidate for the Senate, held when the election was over.
During McGovern's second term as governor, La Follette supporters who had been blanketed into state jobs by the Civil Service Law caused McGovern much embarrassment by their moves to undermine the administration. McGovern attempted unsuccessfully to depose these men, the most notable attempt being the case of insurance commissioner Herman L. Ekern which was taken to the state supreme court. McGovern's personnel problems, especially those involving Ekern, are discussed in the correspondence. His constant battle with the La Follette men in his administration finally exhausted McGovern's patience, and, progressive as he was, he was almost brought to declare against civil service. In a letter to Governor Hiram Johnson of California, dated March 26, 1913, answering an inquiry about the success of the Wisconsin Civil Service Law, McGovern had this to say:
The Wisconsin civil service law was passed at the very close of Governor La Follette's term when he was about to enter the Senate. It was intended politically to keep his appointees in office. He had been governor for five years and none of the old crowd were left. Some of the new men could not have held on the score of merit. All were retained in the service without meeting the requirements imposed upon others who sought to enter. Thus the lid was clamped on tight politically. They are pretty nearly all here yet. So the scheme has worked beautifully. The obvious moral is if you want to get your friends life jobs at the California capitol, wait until you have all of the old crowd out and your friends in, then lock the door and throw the key in the well by passing a civil service law such as we have.
It was not long before McGovern was driven to make outright statements in his letters denouncing La Follette. In one letter he said, “Our Senior Senator has assumed the role of dictator here; and until the question of whether we are political serfs or free men is finally settled in Wisconsin no other issues can receive much consideration.”
McGovern did have time, however, to correspond with President Van Hise of the University and Charles McCarthy, chief of the Legislative Reference Library, concerning the need for changes in University government to meet the needs arising from the nation's rapid industrialization. He also managed to answer many inquiries about his position on women suffrage, capital punishment, the income tax, cooperatives, and other topics. McGovern's point of view was always liberal, except on women suffrage.
Aside from the persons mentioned above, a few notables who appear in the personal correspondence are Herbert Hoover who sent a telegram on Nov. 2, 1914 urging McGovern to work up interest in Wisconsin for Belgian relief; Theodore Roosevelt who sent a telegram on March 28, 1913 urging support of the women suffrage movement; Charles A. Beard who wrote a letter on Feb. 14, 1912, asking McGovern to use his influence in getting a permanent library established to serve as a clearing house for information on problems dealing with state government; and John J. Blaine, at the time La Follette's presidential campaign manager, with whom McGovern corresponded in February and March, 1912.
NOMINATION PAPERS CORRESPONDENCE, 1912 June-August: The next series (box 20) consists of the correspondence concerning McGovern's gubernatorial nomination petitions which were sent out to those believed to be McGovern supporters. Copies of the covering letters, the replies, and copies of McGovern's and Wilbur's answers to the unfavorable replies make up the series, Most of the party leaders to whom the petitions were sent showed willingness to circulate them; however, there were a few embarrassing questions concerning McGovern's position at the Chicago convention and some outright refusals to circulate the petitions because of McGovern's “recent traitorous action.”
MARKET COMMISSION BILL PAPERS, 1913-1914: Correspondence and a few reports concerning McGovern's pet measure, the Market Commission Bill, comprise the next series, filed in box 22. Through this measure, McGovern planned to promote the cooperative marketing of crops thereby avoiding the high cost of the wholesale channels. He argued that his plan would help the farmer by giving him a larger margin of profit and also the consumer by bringing lower prices. The correspondence contains many letters of endorsement from farmers and farm organizations. Labor organizations, however, objected to McGovern's neglect of a consumer cooperation plan. Businessmen who dealt with farmers were, of course, very much opposed to McGovern's plan. Hardware dealers were especially alarmed. One declared that cooperative buying “will do away with the towns and villages--by doing away with businessmen.” In this series there is also an interesting exchange of letters between McGovern and A. D. Campbell, manager of the Wisconsin Advancement Association, who felt that McGovern's speeches on the poor condition of farmers and farms hurt the real estate business. It seems that Campbell was neither for nor against the Market Commission Bill, he just didn't think that McGovern should say anything to hurt the real estate business.
BILLS AND RECEIPTS, 1910-1914: Box 22 consists of McGovern's personal bills and receipts covering purchases of clothing, groceries, etc.
ENDORSEMENTS AND APPLICATIONS: In boxes 23 through 38 are filed the applications and endorsements McGovern received for state jobs, together with copies of the governor's rather perfunctory acknowledgments. McGovern filed the applications and endorsements according to the jobs sought, and his arrangement has been maintained.
HARRY CURRAN WILBUR CORRESPONDENCE, 1911-1915: The final series (boxes 39-47) consists of the correspondence of McGovern's executive clerk, Harry Curran Wilbur. Some of Wilbur's work in connection with the “political fence-mending” necessitated by the McGovern-La Follette split has been mentioned above. Wilbur's job was entirely concerned with promoting McGovern's political fortunes. He corresponded with party leaders throughout the state explaining and justifying the governor's actions and views, and urging them, in a variety of rhetorical techniques, to “come to the aid of the party.” Unlike many political managers, Wilbur was very nearly a scholar especially in the English and literature fields. His skill with the language and penchant for classical allusions, however, may not have been completely beneficial to the administration, for one annoyed local progressive replied heatedly, “Don't throw on the dog... I don't like it a damned bit.” Perhaps others felt the same way, but the correspondence does not show a tendency in that direction. Wilbur was skillful and he knew how to tickle the vanity of most of his correspondents and get them to go out and work for the party.
