November 10, 1977 Session

Introduction

Initial Involvement in Textile Industry and Textile Unionism
Scope and Content Note: Wanted to become lawyer. In 1932, while attending law school, went to work in dye house. On seeing people employed with large families and making only about $8 per week, decided something should be done. In January 1933, successfully organized Local 1790 in New York City; became its first president and later its first manager.

Organization of Dyeing Industry in New York City Greater Metropolitan Area
Scope and Content Note: While he was involved in organizing New York City dyers, a simultaneous, independent drive was going on in the Paterson-Passaic, New Jersey area. Joseph Yannarelli of the United Textile Workers (UTW) was organizing in New Jersey; his pay was fifty cents of the one dollar initiation fee. New York City dyers organized themselves, rejected invitation of the Communist textile union (National Textile Workers Union), and obtained UTW charter in spring 1933.

Strike in September 1933
Scope and Content Note: Both in Paterson and New York City. Joint negotiations impossible - difference in demands. Paterson settled first; New York City then demanded, and received, the same contract.

Initial Organization Easy
Scope and Content Note: No outside help. A combination of NRA, people being aware of the low wages they received, and work conditions in dye house all contributed to the relative ease of organizing.

Help from Other Labor Unions During the Six-Weeks' Strike of September 1933
Scope and Content Note: No help from UTW. Solicited donations from other unions which were very helpful.

Biographical Information
Scope and Content Note: Born July 25, 1911 in New Jersey, the fifth of eight children. Parents immigrated to the United States, and met here. Father had purchased a farm to supplement the income he received as a poultry laborer. At the age of five, family moved to the east side of New York City. Married in 1939; one son.

Choice of Law as a Profession
Scope and Content Note: Originally wanted to become an engineer, but being Jewish precluded this at that time. Instead chose law because his religion would not hinder his advancement in that profession. Finished law school (St. John's University) while serving as president of the Local.

Somewhat Influenced by Family Involvement in Labor
Scope and Content Note: Sister was organizer for Millinery Workers Union; father was occasional member of unions.

Working Conditions in Dye House in Early 1930s
Scope and Content Note: Developed strong sympathy for fellow workers. Worst job he ever experienced. Worked 52½ hours, 5½ days a week. He, as a skilled worker, was making good wages - $16 a week. Dye houses cheated on NRA-set hours and wages; there was no one to enforce the law.

Provisions of the First Contract in September 1933 - Union Recognition and 57½ Cents Per Hour
Note: See also 22:55 of this Tape #1, Side 1.

Became Manager of Local 1790 in November 1933 (Had Been President Since March 1933); Due To Structural Change in the Local

Dues Collection
Scope and Content Note: Even though members had no extra money, they were willing to pay dues because of the importance of the union. No check-off needed. Many members were very militant; Gordon's law background very useful in restraining militancy which tended toward violence during 1933 strike.

Duties as Manager of the Local
Scope and Content Note: Hired secretary; continued organizational efforts; membership went from 1500 to 2500 during strike.

Formation of Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: As a result of the problems encountered with the strike of 1933 (poor method of negotiation, misunderstandings between New York City and Paterson, overall weakness of UTW), decision was made in 1934, particularly in Paterson, to form a federation, consisting of locals in Paterson, Lodi, Union City, Passaic, and New York City. First president was George Baldanzi; Gordon ran against him. Basic concern was the workload.

Initial Structure and Authority of the Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Aim was to compare individual job situations and on that basis jointly negotiate uniform contracts, so that no shop would undercut the conditions of another; a uniform workload was the big issue. Joint negotiating committees of all locals formed to bargain with employer associations. Each city had its own employer association; they consolidated only after the Federation negotiated an insurance package during World War II.

One of the Basic Functions of the Federation Was to Organize Outside the New York City Area - New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania

Position of the Federation and of Dye Workers During 1934 Textile Strike
Scope and Content Note: With the first-year contract still in effect, the Dyers were not in favor of breaking it; but would strike, if necessary.

Dyers Strike of 1934
Scope and Content Note: More unity because of existence of the Federation. Got 66 cents per hour and some fringe benefits. 1933 strike, which raised wages from 32 cents to 57½ cents, had bad economic effect on the industry. Same problem after 1934 strike, which lasted six weeks.

Communists Strongly Influenced Dyers Local 1733 in Paterson
Scope and Content Note: Caused some of the disagreement between Paterson and New York City prior to winning first contract.

Dyers Federation Position on the Formation of the Textile Workers Organizing Committee (TWOC)
Scope and Content Note: Having very little regard for UTW, cooperated with TWOC efforts. Turned over jurisdiction of New York skein dyers to TWOC. Also permitted organization of dyers outside the Federation in other parts of the country.

Proportion of TWUA Dyers Not in the Federation
Scope and Content Note: About 10 percent did not belong to the Federation. Sometimes difficult to ascertain under which jurisdiction shops belonged; these usually affiliated with a joint board rather than the Federation.

Why Separately Organizing the Skein Dyers Was a Mistake

Introduction

Further Explanation of Why a Mistake Made in Allowing TWOC to Organize Skein Dyers into New York Joint Board, Separate from Federation
Scope and Content Note: Internal struggle for power developed which would never have been allowed to happen had they been in the Federation. Dissidents seceded with Gorman to American Federation of Labor (AFL). Strategic organizing blunder by Sol Barkin. Joint Board unable to service skein dyers as well as the Federation could have.

Role of Dyers Federation in TWOC Drive
Scope and Content Note: Acted in a supportive role, supplying manpower and knowledge. Did not supply funds.

Structure of Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Top officers were president and secretary-treasurer, and seven or eight organizers. Had district councils similar to joint boards. Executive board.

Gordon's Role on TWUA Executive Council
Scope and Content Note: Two representatives of Dyers Federation had been on UTW Executive Council, and this arrangement carried over to TWUA. Vague on why he selected as one of the Dyers Federation representatives. Had little direct contact with the International Union; handled dyers matters, jurisdictional disputes with TWUA, etc.

Dispute Within Dyers Federation Developed Over Bonus System in 1946-1947
Scope and Content Note: United Piece Dye Works (Lodi, New Jersey) instituted a bonus system which the Federation opposed. Caused split in the Federation with people lining up with either Federation President Joe Knapik or George Baldanzi (former Federation President and then TWUA Executive Vice President). One Lodi leader shot. Fight carried to the TWUA Executive Council where Baldanzi held TWUA support against Knapik and the Federation. Gordon sided with Knapik.

Expulsion of Hosiery Federation from International Union as It Related to Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Dyers Federation was not concerned with the Hosiery Federation. Felt each Federation could take care of itself.

Gordon Feels That if Dyers Federation Had Not Split, International Union Could Not Have Dissolved the Federation

The Actual Split Within Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Largest local (1733) supported Baldanzi; Lodi local was split. Majority of others supported Knapik. The bonus system was no longer an issue; personalities and politics at issue now.

Explanation of Bonus System
Scope and Content Note: During World War II, bonus paid to the workers and also to some officials of the Local. Hard feelings developed over who was being paid what.

More on the Dispute Within Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Bonus system just one cause of the dispute; a spark which was played up for political purposes. Baldanzi unhappy with the way Federation being run by Knapik; wanted to use Federation as base to further his own aims within International Union. Baldanzi at one point ran against Knapik for Dyers presidency and lost by only one vote.

Dissolution of Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Gordon feels that Knapik went to Rieve, offered to give up his position within the Federation if the Federation was dissolved and became a division within International Union. Each side blamed the other for the dissolution. Knapik supporters agreed to dissolution in order to keep Baldanzi from taking over the Federation.

Gordon Feels Dissolution of Federation a Mistake
Scope and Content Note: As a federation, Dyeing and Finishing workers would have had more solidarity and strength than as just another division within the International Union. As a division, had to contend with regional forces and regional directors' ambitions because divisional directors were on a par with regional directors, whereas the Federation had more clout as a semi-autonomous organization.

Baldanzi Fought Dissolution of Federation
Scope and Content Note: Neither Baldanzi nor any of his group attended dissolution meeting because they did not have the votes to prevent dissolution. Gordon feels this event was one cause leading to split between Baldanzi and Rieve.

Possible Politics in Dissolution of Federation
Scope and Content Note: Rieve favored dissolution of Dyers Federation as it removed Baldanzi's base, was good for International Union, and gave him opportunity to appoint as Division Director a man who was opposed to Baldanzi-Gordon.

As Director Gordon Not Supposed to Visit Lodi or Paterson - the Baldanzi Strongholds - Until Tempers Had Subsided

Gordon Not Appointed Director of the Division Immediately after Dissolution in 1948
Scope and Content Note: Herbert Payne, a non-dyer, appointed director so that neither faction in the Dyers could object. Payne permitted to choose his own assistant, who would actually run the Dyeing Division. Probably with considerable Rieve input, Gordon was selected as Assistant Director. Reaction to appointment of Gordon or other Knapik supporter as Director would have been too violent to be palatable.

Problem of Disposition of Federation Treasury after Dissolution
Scope and Content Note: Rieve promised Local 1733 just prior to dissolution that he would split the treasury up amongst the Dyers locals. Subsequently, he claimed the Executive Council would not allow it. Gordon voted against dividing the treasury in retaliation for Local 1733's support of Baldanzi. Money was put into the International.

Introduction

Effect on the Workers of Major Technological Changes in Dyeing Industry, from the Beginnings of Dyers Federation Up to Mid-1950s
Scope and Content Note: Modernization of machines and equipment intensified the work load. Dyers Federation maintained artificial restrictions on work loads while nonunion plants did not. This put organized plants at competitive disadvantage; Dyers Federation not very forward-looking in this respect.

Geographic Changes in Dyeing Industry
Scope and Content Note: Dyeing of staple fabrics moved to southern nonunion plants earliest; this did not hurt the northern plants too much. It became worse when novelty fabrics as well as staple fabrics were moved south.

Decline of Dyeing Industry in New York-New Jersey Area
Scope and Content Note: 5,000 to 6,000 people still employed whereas numbers once were 25,000 to 30,000. New York-New Jersey dyeing industry excels in special fabrics needing special treatment which are not done in long runs or large quantities. Workers got $1-$2 per hour more than in South.

Ethnic Changes in Dyeing Industry
Scope and Content Note: Progression of Italians, Poles, Blacks, Puerto Ricans. Today the latter two groups make up 50 percent of dyeing industry. Although the most recent immigrants usually work in dye houses, wages are relatively even with the national average because of the strong Union. Despite the high wages, the most recent immigrants to the city fill the jobs because the work is so dirty.

Advantages of Dyeing Industry over Other Branches of the Textile Industry through the Years
Scope and Content Note: Gordon feels Dyers far ahead of other branches. Technical changes in hosiery brought rapid decline of unionism. Novelty fabrics have kept Dyers going in New York metropolitan area at high wages, despite predictions of demise.

Explanation of Novelty Fabrics
Scope and Content Note: High cost, low volume designs.

Strong Federation Put Dyers Way Ahead of Other Workers in the Textile Industry
Scope and Content Note: Dyers were elite of textile industry in fringe benefits, industry-wide bargaining, pension plan, vacation, and wages; this has caused some resentment. TWUA pension fund patterned after Dyers pension fund.

Beginnings of Rieve-Baldanzi Split
Scope and Content Note: Gordon feels the split already in the making with dissolution of Dyers Federation in 1948.

Basis for Split
Scope and Content Note: Feels the supporters of Baldanzi and Rieve were the culprits more than the principals themselves; supporters of each side were looking for personal advancement. Issues were invented on both sides.

The Declining Industry Also a Cause for the Dispute
Scope and Content Note: Contracting industry and declining union membership meant fewer staff positions available and less room for rapid advancement.

Reasons for Baldanzi's Susceptibility to the Pressure
Scope and Content Note: Irrationality of a political fight.

Baldanzi and “Operation Dixie.”
Scope and Content Note: Made allies in the South.

1950 Convention and Why Rieve Could Not Oust Baldanzi
Scope and Content Note: Not enough preparation. Neutral line of thought tended to support Baldanzi; Baldanzi side simply had the better argument.

Why Rieve Forces Did Not Run Candidates Against Baldanzi Supporters in 1950
Scope and Content Note: Politically infeasible at the time. Baldanzi supporters on Executive Council were a small minority and had done nothing to warrant dumping.

Isadore Katz's Support for Baldanzi
Scope and Content Note: May have been motivated by idealism; perhaps he just thought he had picked the winner.

TWUA Staff Mostly Favored Baldanzi
Scope and Content Note: Thought Baldanzi more of an idealist and Rieve too practical.

Mariano Bishop
Scope and Content Note: Good practical unionist, like John Chupka. Pushed Rieve.

TWUA Seniority
Scope and Content Note: Larger divisions counted more. Industry vs. regional director. Most powerful directors were New England, Middle Atlantic, Cotton, Woolen.

Point of No Return in Rieve-Baldanzi Dispute Was 1950 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi group buoyed by success at 1950 convention and went for broke. Rieve group realized seriousness of situation and went all out.

Introduction

State of Union Between 1950 and 1952
Scope and Content Note: Business was conducted, but the political effect of each action was always given prime consideration. If something appeared politically dangerous, a rational reason for not doing it would be developed.

Baldanzi's Issue of Democracy in the Union
Scope and Content Note: A political gimmick, since all realized the need for a strong presidency in the TWUA.

Politics Was the Cause of Staff People Being Fired after 1950 Convention

Top People Backing Rieve - Payne, Chupka, Bishop

Accusations of Fiscal Conservatism Against Baldanzi
Scope and Content Note: Rieve accused Baldanzi of opposing first and second dues increases in 1940s, and of opposing the purchase of TWUA building. Baldanzi was an idealist, impractical, and a poor administrator; thus, opposed spending the workers' money on a building.

Baldanzi Accused of Undermining Executive Council Slate in 1948
Scope and Content Note: Many of the departments of TWUA were pushing slates. As Baldanzi supporter, Charlie Hughes was being pushed by Baldanzi for a position on Executive Council.

Gordon Recognized His Appointment as Assistant Dyers Division Director as an Early Political Move by Rieve

Southern Cotton Strike of 1951
Scope and Content Note: A political strike and should never have occurred. Between this strike and the internal fight, TWUA set back for years. Fault lay on both sides; politically dangerous to oppose the strike call; would never have been called in normal times.

Charge of Modern Unionism During the Strike's Postmortem
Scope and Content Note: TWUA staff was not split by a philosophical approach to unionism, but by politics.

CIO Unions Did Little to Help During Southern Strike
Scope and Content Note: Not because of the internal fight; rather just another example of the way CIO unions did not help each other. Only today are other unions beginning to appreciate the “Southern Conspiracy” TWUA has been up against. Labor beginning to realize today, in the fight against J.P. Stevens, that the various Internationals must stick together or sink separately, because now it affects them directly.

Why Baldanzi Allowed Himself to Be Maneuvered into Running an Opposition Slate at 1952 Convention
Scope and Content Note: His supporters felt that, having done so well in 1950, success would continue with 1952. Rieve group also goaded Baldanzi into running a slate.

Baldanzi and the UTW
Scope and Content Note: UTW expected 20,000-30,000 to bolt from TWUA. Pension fund held many Dyers in the TWUA.

Bishop's Election to Executive Vice President in 1952
Scope and Content Note: Rieve considered Bishop his successor and not Pollock. Bishop well respected within TWUA, while many had reservations about Pollock.

Selection of Executive Vice President after Bishop's Death
Scope and Content Note: Executive Council did not want Pollock; preferred Chupka; decided to establish multiple vice presidents. Rieve then reverted to Pollock, who wanted the position and was prepared to fight for it at the convention.

Rieve's Suggestion of an Executive Committee of the Executive Council after 1952 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Would have been composed of the officers plus five or six vice presidents in the New York area. It was opposed by Executive Council for geographic reasons.

Staff Purge after 1952
Scope and Content Note: In retrospect, a serious mistake. Hueter and Hughes able to remain with the Union because they had independent power bases.

Fight Between TWUA and UTW Following 1952 Convention
Scope and Content Note: United Mine Workers' loan to UTW either because of friendships with Baldanzi or an attempt to establish influence within UTW.

Difference in Administrations of Rieve and Pollock
Scope and Content Note: Rieve practical; Pollock vengeful and not as good a leader. Union philosophy did not change.

Why TWUA Such a Clean Union
Scope and Content Note: Strong leadership backed by a strong Executive Council; immediate action against anyone caught “fooling around.”

Change in Approach of TWUA to the South in Late 1950s; “Bargaining from Weakness”
Note: The tape ran out when Gordon was being asked who conceived this “bargaining from weakness” approach. He could not give an answer.

Scope and Content Note: Leaflets, publicity - only way to get wage increases in order to protect wages and fringes in the North.

July 19, 1978 Session

Introduction

UTW/TWUA Merger Possibilities in 1950s
Scope and Content Note: UTW would never merge. “They were a very small organization devoted to taking care of the top people.” Merger would have ended UTW identity. TWUA leadership never seriously thought merger possible. Merger meetings were held largely for the benefit of the membership. UTW leadership would not have accepted subordinate positions in a merged organization and did not feel they had the capabilities to maintain high positions in a merged union.

How Baldanzi Became UTW President
Scope and Content Note: Gordon feels Baldanzi's connections with the Teamsters got him the presidency of UTW. UTW was not particularly democratic, and the membership was content as long as they were left alone. UTW membership was not aggressive. Key leaders brought in Baldanzi to give the organization respectability, and the membership did not object.

TWUA Failure to Sign No-Raid Agreements in Late 1950s Was a Sign of Protest Against the Type of Organization UTW Had Become, Not a Threat to Raid UTW
Scope and Content Note: UTW would have been easy to raid because it was run from the top, and the membership was not well cared for.

The Role of George Meany in the Merger Attempts
Scope and Content Note: Meany tried to do what was right but was powerless in situations like this. Meany's claim that Pollock blocked merger was the result of misinformation. Merger would have been a feather in Pollock's cap.

Southern Agitational Wage Drives
Scope and Content Note: Gordon does not recall circumstances of 1965 drive he directed. Today such drives make use of the media rather than the leafleting approach of the past.

Northern Wage Movements Today
Scope and Content Note: Negotiate from weakness. Can not push too hard, because the threat to liquidate or migrate is real.

Northern Dye Industry Today
Scope and Content Note: Northern dyers able to maintain a higher wage than southern dyers because they deal with a specialized trade which depends on styles which change frequently. Grey goods can be made up, stored, and sold at any time. Prints, colors, etc. must be made for a current market. Decline of northern dye industry due largely to the decline of specialized fabric market. Dyeing of staples can be done more cheaply in the South; and staples have superseded specialty prints. Also, more and more specialties are imported.

Main Causes of 1962-1964 Internal Fight
Note: In a subsequent conversation with Gordon, on July 25, 1978, I told him that his explanation of the causes of the fight seemed to give chief importance to the ambitions of the Majority leaders. Gordon responded that he di9d not mean it to come out that way. He wanted the record to show that he feels equal weight must be given to both the ambitions of the Majority leaders and also the widespread dislike of William Pollock. Gordon feels that both factors were necessary and that either one alone would not have been sufficient.

Scope and Content Note: The Union was shrinking and a group of competent leaders saw no way to advance. Competent people are more willing to take a chance that might result in the loss of their jobs. they also wanted to make more money, and they questioned Pollock's leadership abilities. Pollock was a good, strong leader, but he lacked many of Rieve's qualities. Because of this discontent, a “Hate Pollock Club” developed, which included Chupka and Sol Stetin, who both decided at the last minute to support Pollock.

John Chupka's Role
Scope and Content Note: In late 1962 or early 1963, the Majority group decided to make an open fight. Chupka was asked to lead the group; but, after meeting with Pollock, he refused to do so.

The Local 1790 Issue
Scope and Content Note: Joseph J. (Johnny) Miraglia, Manager of Local 1790, was the “weak sister” in the Majority, and the Administration made the most of it. Miraglia mistreated his Business Agent, Stanley Artowicz; so the Administration had a waiting “Judas Iscariot.”

Introduction

Pollock Knew He Had Opposition Before He Became President
Scope and Content Note: There was considerable opposition to him becoming Executive Vice President in 1953, and the opposition never went away. In 1953 the Executive Council wanted either multiple Executive Vice Presidents or else Chupka as Vice President. Rieve and Chupka backed away because Pollock threatened a convention fight.

Gordon's Assessment of Pollock
Scope and Content Note: He was a good executive. He dignified the office and had intestinal fortitude.

The Falling Out Between Rieve and Pollock
Scope and Content Note: Gordon feels it began sometime back. Pollock was “wishy-washy” when the 1952 fight developed. Rieve only supported Pollock for Executive Vice President in 1953 because he saw the alternatives - multiple executive vice presidents or a Pollock/Chupka convention fight - as being worse for the Union.

The Change in Rieve's Title to President Emeritus in 1960 Was by Mutual Agreement and Was Not Controversial

The Relationship Between Pollock and Department Heads
Scope and Content Note: The Department heads did not have the same respect for Pollock as they did for Rieve. Pollock expected all of Barkin's ideas to be good ones and did not realize that he, as the executive, had the responsibility of choosing the good ones from the poor ones.

More on Chupka's Role in the Internal Dispute
Scope and Content Note: The Majority felt that Pollock must have had something on Chupka in order to make him change his position so drastically overnight. With Chupka, the Majority could have won the fight. The Majority could have either used the treasury or stopped the Administration from using it for political purposes. The Majority had to go to the local unions (especially 1790 and Fall River) for money.

Stetin's Decision to Side with the Majority
Scope and Content Note: Stetin made a good political decision. He would probably have stayed with the Majority if Chupka had. If he had stayed with the Majority, it would not have changed the outcome unless Chupka also stayed with the Majority.

Peace Efforts
Scope and Content Note: Peace was a possibility right up to the time the Majority went to court to force the Administration to provide free access to the books.

The Federation of Textile Representatives (FTR) Would Never Have Been Formed Without the Internal Fight
Scope and Content Note: This union of staff organizers and administrators saw this as a good opportunity to organize the mselves. They knew both sides would have to try to accommodate them.

1962 Turnover in Executive Council Members
Scope and Content Note: It was agreed in advance that the four new members would include two from each side. This arrangement was part of the 1962 peace effort.

The Atmosphere at the 1962 Convention
Scope and Content Note: The theme was to think positive and think peace.

Detrimental Effect of the Fight, 1962-1964
Scope and Content Note: As with previous internal fights, decisions were often based more on what was politically to the advantage of each faction than what was best for the Union.

Introduction

More on the Local 1790 Issue
Scope and Content Note: This issue brought the fight to the forefront. Although Local 1790 had been using strong-arm tactics for years, the Administration purposely made this an issue at this time because it was a strong point for them. Gordon tried to make peace between Miraglia and Artowicz in order to avoid making the Local's practices an issue; but Artowicz would not trust Miraglia. The Administration had a good issue, and “a weak man to pull it on” (Miraglia). The issue of racketeering was phony. Like most unions in the Metropolitan area, Local 1790 had to use a little force. Miraglia did use force, but for trade union purposes, not for self-aggrandizement. All dyers were aggressive; the use of force was an important factor in the success of the dyers.

No One from Local 1790 Ran for the Executive Council in 1964
Scope and Content Note: It would have been detrimental to the Majority slate.

It Was a Strategic Mistake for Miraglia to Ask the District Attorney to Defend Him in the AFL-CIO Hearing on Local 1790
Scope and Content Note: Gordon had been selected by the Majority to defend Miraglia. Miraglia's going outside the trade union movement for his defense was almost like an admission of guilt.

The Majority Was Unable to Counterattack on the Same Grounds
Scope and Content Note: Similar practices were prevalent in Irving Epstine's New York City Joint Board, but the Majority could find no witness to come out against Epstine like Artowicz did against Miraglia, because Epstine had not mistreated anyone like Miraglia had mistreated Artowicz.

After the 1964 Convention, Local 1790 Situation Resolved
Scope and Content Note: Jack Rubenstein, chairman of the Monitors of 1790, wanted to get rid of all the business agents, but Gordon used the strength of the Dyers to prevent this. Gordon struck a deal with Pollock whereby Miraglia would resign, but charges against the business agents would have to be proven before their resignations could be forced. There was no racketeering or graft, just the use of force for trade union purposes; so all business agents remained. The Local remained solidly behind Miraglia throughout.

Gordon Denies That Local 1790 Was Not Democratic
Scope and Content Note: There was simply acknowledged and unchallenged leadership. Miraglia overreacted when he had the bylaws changed in order to make challenges to his leadership more difficult; there would have been no challenges even without the changes. Miraglia could even have been re-elected after the internal fight.

Miraglia, after All Investigations Were Finished, Almost Decided to Run Again for Manager of 1790

The Majority's Only Counterattack Was to Attempt to Show Financial Malfeasance on the Part of the Administration
Scope and Content Note: This attempt backfired. The Majority had to go to the courts in order to get at the books. Bill DuChessi used COPE influence to stall the court decision. By the time the courts ruled in favor of the Majority, there was not enough time to discover much incriminating evidence. Meanwhile, the very fact that the Majority went against accepted trade union practices, by going to court against their own union, worked to their disadvantage. It cost the Majority $10,000, “the world's worst money spent.”

Gordon after the Fight
Scope and Content Note: Pollock was so mad that Gordon did not have a secretary for two years and did not get a raise for four years.

The Majority Began Meeting as a Separate Caucus About the Time the Local 1790 Issue Came Up

The Twelve Vice Presidents Who Constituted the Majority All Basically Had the Same Motives
Scope and Content Note: Personal advancement and gripes about the quality of Pollock's leadership. In retrospect, Gordon does not feel these were sufficient reasons. There was a sincere feeling amongst the Majority that a more aggressive President would have brought the Union more progress. Gordon's personal motive for joining the Majority was a basic dissatisfaction with Pollock's leadership.

The Leaders of the Majority
Scope and Content Note: The Majority's executive committee consisted of William Belanger, Victor Canzano, Wesley Cook, Gordon, and Boyd Payton, another “Judas Iscariot.”

Introduction

Boyd Payton's Role in the Internal Fight
Scope and Content Note: Payton had been caught dipping into the till in two strikes. He was forced to act as a spy for the Administration, under threat of prosecution. Since he was on the Majority's executive committee, the Administration always knew what the Majority was planning. Later Payton paid back at least part of the money, but he was never prosecuted in court.

The Major Strategic Mistake of the Majority Was the Decision to Carry on the Fight Once Chupka Decided to Side With Pollock
Scope and Content Note: At the time, they thought they could still win because they represented the directorships of most of the major divisions and geographic regions of the Union. However, only the Dyers remained solid. The Administration had its organizers travel the country to argue its case. The Majority did not have this freedom of travel.

Why the Majority Opposed Calling a Special Convention
Scope and Content Note: The Majority knew they were licked at that time and mistakenly thought more time could bring victory.

About Six Months Before the Convention, the Majority Knew It Could Not Win
Scope and Content Note: By then it was too late. No peace was offered.

The Key Issues Working Against the Majority at the Convention
Scope and Content Note: The Miraglia issue and the ability of the Administration to get the AFL-CIO Report on Local 1790 issued prior to the convention. Meany was responsible for the tenor of the AFL-CIO Report, which actually proved nothing as bad as what happens daily in many AFL-CIO unions.

Rieve's Role in the Fight
Scope and Content Note: Rieve did not take part in the fight; did not meet with the Majority. The only thing he did for the Majority was testify on behalf of Miraglia during the AFL-CIO hearing. His speech against Pollock at the convention was ill-timed and was mainly a manifestation of his bitterness against Pollock. He was disappointed in Pollock's leadership and, in a sense, blamed him for the fight. Gordon and others tried to talk him out of making the speech; but he was determined, even if he had to have someone else read the speech.

The Attempt by the Majority to Make Local 1790 a Joint Board
Scope and Content Note: The Majority could not reject Chupka's charters report on the grounds that it did not include a joint board charter for 1790 because it would be accused then of interfering with routine Union business.

The Selection of the Majority Slate
Scope and Content Note: Cook and Belanger were selected as sacrificial lambs, since it was assumed that whoever ran would be fired, and both of these men were prepared to leave the Union. Gordon feels the best ticket would have been a Cook/Canzano ticket; Belanger was too power hungry.

Convention Strategy
Scope and Content Note: The strongest issue on which to have a test vote was the question of seating delegates from Local 1790. The Majority did pick up strength on this issue because the Local had paid its per capita tax; yet the Administration was refusing to seat the delegates from either the local or the phantom joint board. This test vote determined the convention strength of each side, so further fights over committee assignments and the like would have been fruitless.

Gordon Does Not Know Why the Trustees Lined Up with the Majority

Gordon Thinks the 1952 Fight Was More Bitter than the 1964 Fight, and the Union Lost More in the 1952 Fight
Scope and Content Note: No members were lost in 1964.

In 1964 the Administration Had the Votes and Could Have Elected Anyone It Wanted

The Fate of the Losers in 1964
Scope and Content Note: Canzano remained as Cotton-Rayon Director, but with very little authority. Cook and Belanger were fired. Pollock tried to fire Gordon, but the Dyers prevented it.

Canada Was Solidly for the Administration

Introduction

TWUA Policy Has Been Not to Raid Other Unions
Scope and Content Note: Has occasionally made exceptions to this policy when a sweetheart agreement was involved. Prior to the AFL-CIO No-Raid Agreement, however, UTW shops were considered fair game for raiding.

Textile Industry Decline More Accelerated in 1970s than 1960s

Organizing in the 1960s and 1970s
Scope and Content Note: Creation of the Organizing Department in 1971 signaled no changes in operation. The problem of recruiting competent staff was lessened by the founding of the FTR and the resulting higher staff wages.

TWUA Received Considerable Organizing Assistance from the Industrial Union Department (IUD)
Scope and Content Note: Only recently, however, has the AFL-CIO become concerned about organizing the South.

TWUA Failure to Participate in IUD Co-ordinated Bargaining
Scope and Content Note: TWUA did not have the strength to go down to the wire and strike with the other unions if that was necessary.

Attitude of Dyers and Synthetics Toward the Weaker Divisions of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: A certain amount of clannishness did develop, but the various divisions really could not help each other much.

J.P. Stevens
Scope and Content Note: Gordon thinks selection of Stevens for the IUD drive was a mistake; should have selected a company with a more identifiable product name. Gordon claims Pollock responsible for selection of Stevens, and no one could object since it came in the midst of the internal fight. Gordon thinks J.P. Stevens should be attacked from all angles and expects success in another four or five years.

Good AFL-CIO Support in the Stevens Campaign Today
Scope and Content Note: Building trades unions finally beginning to feel the pinch in the South themselves, and this has changed the AFL-CIO attitude. Today Electrical Workers and Auto Workers are also running up against the Southern Conspiracy.

The South Can Not Be Organized Until It Experiences Its Industrial Revolution
Scope and Content Note: The Industrial Revolution is finally taking place in the South. A main factor today is a better-educated workforce. Labor Law Reform is also a “vital necessity” to beat the Southern Conspiracy.

The 1934 Textile Strike Was the Opportunity to Organize the South
Scope and Content Note: Then the 1951 strike destroyed what progress had been made since 1934.

TWUA Always Spent a Disproportionate Amount of Resources in the South

Introduction

Conglomeratization of the Southern Textile Industry Brought the Southern Conspiracy to Mills Where It Had Not Previously Existed

TWUA in Rock Hill, South Carolina
Scope and Content Note: Rock Hill had a big dye plant and a big synthetic plant, and the workers were very militant. Militancy was due to high wages.

Oneita Strike and Boycott
Scope and Content Note: TWUA was able to win because its opponent was weak. The employer had no similar mills to which production could be shifted.

Cannon Mills NLRB Election
Scope and Content Note: The Union had run a rather lackadaisical campaign for several years. Then organizer Bob Freeman asked for a crack at it and all the latent sentiment came forth, and the Union was able to poll 45 percent of the vote. The company then mended its fences, and the Union sentiment faded. Cannon must be very careful; it is much more susceptible to unionization than J.P. Stevens; “all their eggs are in one basket there”; a strong boycott against Cannon could cut their sales by 20 percent within six to nine months.

Gordon Feels Short Campaigns Ending in Losses Are Preferable to Long, Inconclusive Campaigns
Scope and Content Note: Without an election the workers begin to feel the Union has abandoned them. A lost election proves to the Union supporters that their co-workers do not want a union, and it leaves a hiatus to which the Union can return in a few years.

Southern Wages Finally Caught Up with Northern
Scope and Content Note: This was one way to keep the Union out. The South still does not equal the North's fringe benefits.

TWUA Pension and Welfare Funds
Scope and Content Note: TWUA's policy for years was to negotiate benefits rather than money for benefits. Benefits were small, except for the Dyers. Dyers led the way in negotiating benefits during the War Labor Board (WLB) years. When he became Assistant Director in 1948, Gordon pushed for and got a Dyers Pension Fund, which grew from a meager beginning. New York Joint Board was the second section of the Union to get into their own insurance and welfare fund. Then the TWUA Welfare Plan; largely in the Mid-Atlantic states and New York. Then the TWUA Pension Fund and Welfare Funds in St. Louis, California, and Chicago. In 1968 Pollock asked Gordon to merge administratively the Dyers and the TWUA Pension Funds. Today the merged fund has over 30,000 participants and nearly $40,000,000. All the Pension Funds, except that of the New York Joint Board, are now run out of Gordon's office.

Introduction

Importance of the Various Funds
Scope and Content Note: Pension and Vacation Funds tie the workers more closely to the Union and permits the Union to become closer to the members. New England Health Fund recently added. Sometimes harder to convince staff negotiators of the importance of the Funds than the workers the mselves. Synthetics negotiators, for instance, still stick to the old system of negotiating benefits rather than going into a multi-employer, jointly-trusteed fund, simply because the former system of benefits is easier to negotiate.

Shortsightedness of Garment Industry in Regard to Textile Imports

Necessity of Regulating Imports by Category

Current Import Treaties Are Hurting Garment and Textile Industries
Scope and Content Note: Current treaties permit a percentage increase in imports each year, and the percentage increase in American consumption is not as great. A common position on imports was one of the reasons for the TWUA merger with the Amalgamated Clothing Workers (ACW).

Decline of the Woolen Industry
Scope and Content Note: Purely woolen materials were superseded by blends which were done in large Southern mills. Since there was so little purely woolen material being manufactured, the government probably saw little reason to give it protection from imports. No big woolen or carpet mills left in the North because of introduction of blends and tufted, which are made in new, large Southern mills.

The Worldwide Overproduction of Textiles
Scope and Content Note: After World War II, the United States government encouraged reconstruction of Germany, Japan, etc. with soft-goods industries and prevented construction of hard-goods industries because the latter could be more easily converted to the materials of war. Also, it is easier to put up a textile mill. Large Southern textile mills able to compete today in the world market only because of modern machinery and efficient production.

The Necessity of Maintaining the U.S. Textile Industry
Scope and Content Note: Must be self-sufficient in case of war.

Why It Took So Long for the Union to Grab the Issue of Health and Safety
Scope and Content Note: Had too many other problems; and, also, pushing the safety issue too hard in a fragile industry might have led to the loss of more jobs.

The Introduction of Non-Textile Resolutions at TWUA Conventions, Late 1960s, Early 1970s
Scope and Content Note: Viet Nam, pollution, etc. - these resolutions were usually drawn up by staff people, not the locals. Big debate over Viet Nam resolution at 1970 convention, but it was only a debate. TWUA leadership ahead of AFL-CIO leadership in moving to anti-war position.

Constitutional Changes in Early 1970s
Scope and Content Note: Younger people wanted to move up; to get on the Executive Council. The solution was the compulsory retirement amendment and the convention rule which permitted delegates to vote for only 15 of 20 vice-president positions, thereby giving independent candidates a better chance for election. The charge that the Executive Council had become geographically imbalanced was merely an argument to open up more positions.

Structural Setup of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: The North developed structure along industrial division lines, and the South tended more toward a regional structure. Industry directors were often resented in the South. Dyers and Synthetic directors, while meeting some resistance, were able to operate in the South, but Cotton, Woolen, etc. operated regionally.

Introduction

Higher-Paid Divisions Prevented Institution of a Percentage Dues Structure

Jack Rubenstein's Opposition to Compulsory Retirement and President Emeritus Amendments at the 1972 Convention

TWUA Defense Fund
Scope and Content Note: Northern locals wanted strike treatment equal to the South. Leadership tried to use the Defense Fund whenever possible in order to ease the pressure on the General Fund - legal fees to fight the Southern Conspiracy, contribution to Farah boycott, etc.

Why Union Pension Funds Can Not Arbitrarily Be Placed with the Amalgamated Bank
Scope and Content Note: As a fiduciary, Pension Fund directors are legally obliged to seek the greatest return on the members' money.

Liquidation of Northern Bigelow-Sanford Carpet Mills
Scope and Content Note: Due to changing methods of production which new Southern plants implemented.

A Greater Degree of Monopolization in Textiles in the Early Years of TWUA Would Have Made It More Difficult to Organize
Scope and Content Note: While domination of the industry by giants may have made steel easier to organize, steel did not have the Southern Conspiracy.

More on the Southern Conspiracy and Its Possible Demise
Scope and Content Note: Gordon predicts it will take 10-15 years maximum.

Gordon Believes in a Balance of Power Between Union and Management
Scope and Content Note: It is dangerous for either side to wield too much economic power.

1975 Request by Mid-Atlantic Dyeing Industry for Wage Cut
Scope and Content Note: The industry was suffering a downturn, and the wage cut request was used only as a bargaining point.

TWUA Trustees
Scope and Content Note: Often business agents on local payrolls.

Directors' and Vice Presidents' Convention Liquor Money

Why Joe Hueter Often Led the Balloting for Vice President
Scope and Content Note: He was not controversial. The more localized a vice president was, the fewer enemies he would be able to make.

Why General Counsel Pat Eames Left the Union
Scope and Content Note: Too idealistic, particularly in regard to Women's Liberation.

Introduction

TWUA Policy that Professional Staff Not Belong to the Union

Murray Moreno, Miraglia's Successor, as Manager of Local 1790
Scope and Content Note: He was one of the business agents Rubenstein wanted fired; but, even after a two-year investigation, no wrongdoing by any of the business agents was shown. Moreno later became a TWUA vice president and, ironically, manager of the New York Joint Board which recently was merged with Local 1790.

Charles Lazzio
Scope and Content Note: A militant trade unionist from the Dyers. Men like him made possible the superior gains of the Dyers. Helped save Gordon's position in 1964.

The Return of the Hosiery Workers
Scope and Content Note: TWUA provided the American Federation of Hosiery Workers (AFHW) with a haven. Like TWUA, the AFHW was rapidly going downhill.

Why the 1968 Convention Did Not Give John Chupka a Supplemental Pension
Scope and Content Note: In part, this was a reaction to the chastisement Pollock and Chupka gave Rieve in 1964. Everyone was amazed that this was defeated, and it was done without any organized opposition.

Sam Azzinaro
Scope and Content Note: He was the weakest member of the Majority group and was permitted back on the Executive Council after asking Pollock's forgiveness.

Garnold Richards' and Jack Rubenstein's Aborted Attempt to Run for the Executive Council as Independents in 1968
Scope and Content Note: Rubenstein was convinced by others that he would lose such an attempt; so he asked back on the slate. He was permitted back on; but Richards was not, and he lost.

Tokenism on the TWUA Executive Council
Scope and Content Note: Roger Dove was put on the slate in 1974 because he was Black. There was also a woman who was picked because she was a woman.

Selection of a Successor to Chupka
Scope and Content Note: Stetin and Harold Daoust were the two candidates, and a majority of the Executive Council preferred Stetin.

Selection of DuChessi to Succeed Stetin in 1972

George Baldanzi's Death in 1972
Scope and Content Note: He did not appear on the list of “TWUA Departed” at the 1972 convention, possibly because of his role in the secession movement which is a much greater sin in labor circles than an internal political fight.

Charles Sallee Broke the Slate in 1972, Defeating E. T. Kirkland
Scope and Content Note: Sallee and Dick Plescia both attempted to break the slate that year. Sallee was successful and was then accepted as a member of the Executive Council. Plescia was unsuccessful, quit his TWUA job in Chicago, and eventually wound up back in the Union, working on the West Coast.

Pollock's Retirement in 1972
Scope and Content Note: Retired because of age. Latent resentment against him then came out at the convention. Even many of his friends did not support his effort to become President Emeritus. His strategic mistake was when he announced his retirement before getting the President Emeritus constitutional change.

Introduction

Staff Morale when Stetin Became President
Scope and Content Note: The Union was in a state of drift during the last several years of Pollock's presidency. This was one reason why Pollock retired.

Robert Freeman and the FTR
Scope and Content Note: Freeman was a founder of the FTR and got into internal political conflicts in the FTR in the 1970s.

Stetin Revived TWUA Spirit Somewhat
Scope and Content Note: Merger with ACW was part of the attempt to revive the spirit. Stetin's dedication was second to none. Many people were older and “the newer people hadn't been indoctrinated in the right way.” Nevertheless, there “was a lot of spirit in the Textile Workers Union against insurmountable odds.”

TWUA and Organizing of Non-Textile Workers
Scope and Content Note: While obeying the AFL-CIO No-Raid Agreement, no unions feel confined to their recognized jurisdictions.

TWUA and UTW Cooperation
Scope and Content Note: TWUA considered UTW as a small brother, and UTW regarded TWUA as a nuisance. Cooperation was usually on the local level, not on the International level. They regarded each other with suspicion.

UTW/TWUA and Merger
Scope and Content Note: UTW did not want to merge with TWUA, and TWUA came to feel that merger with a smaller and weaker union like UTW would compound, not solve, problems.

More on TWUA/UTW Cooperation
Scope and Content Note: In September, TWUA contributed money to a UTW local which was having a strike. TWUA policy was to maintain good relations with UTW locals. If TWUA was concerned about good relations with the UTW, the strike contribution would have been made through the UTW International office.

TWUA and Merger Attempts with the Industrial Trades Union (ITU)
Scope and Content Note: ITU was a small union located in Woonsocket, Rhode Island. Merger with TWUA was never effected, and the ITU eventually dissolved with TWUA picking up some of the locals.

Merger Talks with Other Unions
Scope and Content Note: Oil, Atomic, and Chemical Workers Union was a likely choice because of its involvement in the synthetic industry. Consideration was given to merger with the Steel Workers, but the two unions did not have enough in common. TWUA had the most affinity with the ACW.

The Merger with ACW
Scope and Content Note: ACW was selected for merger because of this affinity and because in Europe the textile and garment workers were in one union. Another factor was that ACW wanted the TWUA; two unions that were suffering difficult times saw they could help each other. Stetin and DuChessi pushed ACW over the Oil, Atomic, and Chemical Workers because they thought the latter was having more difficulties.

The Major Hurdles to Merger
Scope and Content Note: Had to take care of the Executive Board; had to make sure there was a separate Textile Division so that TWUA would not lose its identity; and also had to take care of the International officers.

Opposition to Merger
Scope and Content Note: Basically the few that opposed the merger did so because they did not want to see TWUA lose its identity.

Gordon's Opinion of the Merger
Scope and Content Note: It was the “finest thing we ever did.” Organizing hasn't improved, but good results are already showing with the J.P. Stevens drive.

Merger Possibilities when Pollock Was President
Scope and Content Note: Never talked of merger, except with a weaker union.

Gordon's Most Exciting Period with TWUA
Scope and Content Note: The hard work, respect, and success of the period when he was named Assistant Dyers Division Director. After he became Director, it was not exciting because it was more a case of “attending funerals.” Gordan's second most gratifying experience was when Pollock, his adversary, asked him in 1968 to merge the Pension Funds, acknowledging his administrative capabilities.