INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

EXPLANATION BY INTERVIEWER OF MALFUNCTIONING EQUIPMENT PREVIOUS WEEK

BACKGROUND OF ROBERT BUSE
Scope and Content Note: Born in South Milwaukee September 15, 1908. Parents moved to south side, now 34th Street off Lincoln, and in 1914 to sixty-acre general farm in Town of Franklin at 76th and Putz Road.

PARENTS' FAMILIES
Scope and Content Note: Grandfather on father's side migrated from Germany circa 1848 “about seven steps ahead of the Kaiser's army.” On mother's side grandfather came from small town on Polish-German border.

POLITICS OF PARENTS
Scope and Content Note: Father considered himself a socialist; knew Victor Berger. Allowed Milwaukee Leader sign on farm gatepost, which entitled father to free Leader subscription.

EDUCATION OF ROBERT BUSE
Scope and Content Note: Attended elementary school at Highway 100 and Putz Road, then went to West Allis High School by taking interurban.

LIKED FARM LIFE

INTEREST IN INDUSTRIAL ARTS
Scope and Content Note: Took machine shop and mechanical drawing in high school; learned to operate planer, drill press, lathe.

FIRST EMPLOYMENT
Scope and Content Note: Got job at Hanover Gear Co. on Keith Avenue, manufacturer of steering gears. After short time, friend who worked at Allis-Chalmers [A-C] helped Buse get job there in 1928.

WORKING AT ALLIS-CHALMERS
Scope and Content Note: Broken in on Bullard in division that made text-rope drives. First worked nights, then transferred to third shift--the first in A-C history--and learned to operate nearly every machine in department.

DIFFICULTY IN OBTAINING WORK IN LATE 1920's
Scope and Content Note: Jobs not that easy to find, “it never was easy to get a job.” Helped to have a friend on inside of A-C.

ATTITUDE TOWARD LABOR UNIONS IN 1920's
Scope and Content Note: Buse little interest because labor movement consisted of old AFL which seemed dormant. Chief ambition of machinists who were organized at A-C was “to hold a stag party once a year.”

BUYS INTO FARM MACHINERY BUSINESS AFTER ARGUMENT WITH A-C FOREMAN
Scope and Content Note: Had saved some money by 1932, which he invested in farm machinery business at Loomis Road and 76th St. Carried Minneapolis-Moline and Rock Island brands of equipment. Since farmers had little cash, “it was a foolish time to go into a business like that.”

INVOLVEMENT WITH FARMERS' HOLIDAY ASSOCIATION
Scope and Content Note: Participated in the Battle of Durham Hill [settlement at intersection of Highway 45 and Highway 36] between militia and farm strikers, in which “we beat the hell out of the militia.” Recalls militia coming in to combat farmers after farmers paraded through their ranks. Buse, joining skirmish after militiaman knocked down friend of his, tried to seize soldier's gun. Battle ended in late afternoon when farmers went home to do chores. Buse sympathetic to farmers since their economic welfare tied to his implement business.

ATTENDING FARMERS' HOLIDAY ASSOCIATION RALLY AT MARSHFIELD IN 1932
Scope and Content Note: Buse and neighbor assembled operable vehicle from his car and his neighbor's tires for day-long drive for huge Marshfield rally. Believed farmers would organize in way to control markets and get a decent price; felt farmers ready to become more than price-takers from processors. Wisconsin Cooperative Milk Pool unsuccessful in organizing Milwaukee-area farmers. Recalls Walter Singler and others at Marshfield who were effective speakers before microphones and speaking systems used.

RETURNS TO WORK AT ALLIS-CHALMERS IN 1934
Scope and Content Note: Called back by plant superintendent Richards, over objections of foreman with whom he had the argument. Returned to text-rope department; in 1941 transferred to machinery repair department where skilled workers needed. Stayed there for rest of time employed by A-C.

ELECTED UNION STEWARD
Scope and Content Note: Elected shop steward sometime between 1936 and '38; thereafter, began to work days and soon elected to bargaining committee.

UNION ACTIVITY AT ALLIS-CHALMERS IN 1930's
Scope and Content Note: Works Council organized by company when it became evident to management that “legitimate unions” were likely to be organized. Works Council not “worth the powder to blow it to hell”; grievances usually ignored.

HAROLD CHRISTOFFEL
Scope and Content Note: Recalls talking to Christoffel about organizing in text-rope department at time Federal Labor Union (FLU) already in existence. AFL wouldn't recognize FLU 20136 because machinists and molders belonged to existing internationals. “That's the reason we went into the CIO.” Workers had choice to join steel workers or auto workers union; picked the latter because monthly dues were fifty cents less.

WHY INDUSTRIAL UNION NECESSARY AT ALLIS-CHALMERS
Scope and Content Note: Took in everybody from sweepers to skilled mechanics “and you had to have everybody in there, otherwise your union wasn't worth nothing.” Without one large union there wouldn't have been enough strength to buck management if they told you “to go to hell.”

PROBLEMS IN BUSE'S SHOP
Scope and Content Note: Workers strictly at mercy of general foreman; would be laid off instantly or transferred to “rotten jobs” if had conflict with foreman.

END OF TAPE 1, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

GROWTH IN FLU MEMBERSHIP BETWEEN 1935-37
Scope and Content Note: Workers in some shops joined readily, others didn't. Presence of tough boss led to union activism. Least interest by workers who lived from payday to payday.

PROBLEM WITH AFL
Scope and Content Note: Didn't recognize FLU's as such; interested in craft unions. Only way to organize a department was on industrial basis, all in the same union. AFL weak because “higher crust” of veteran workers thought they were a notch above others, that their union should exclude less skillful workers.

MILWAUKEE FEDERATED TRADES COUNCIL (FTC)
Scope and Content Note: FTC wouldn't accept FLU delegate because membership must be along craft lines.

JOHN L. LEWIS OF THE CIO IN 1936-37
Scope and Content Note: “A big topic of conversation in those days.”

IMPORTANCE OF HAROLD CHRISTOFFEL IN UNION GOING FROM WORKS COUNCIL TO FLU, THEN UAW-CIO
Scope and Content Note: Progression would have occurred even without him “but he was one of the mainsprings, one of the guys who had most of the answers and could steer us.” Good organizer, good grasp of situations as they arose. Not a good speaker, but “what he said made sense.”

HOW WORKERS GOT TO KNOW CHRISTOFFEL
Scope and Content Note: UAW Local 248 was probably the “meetingest union in the world.” Regular meetings of stewards and committees, as often as once or twice a week. Classes organized for stewards to learn how to speak, how to write grievances. Stewards and members encouraged to participate actively in meetings. If worker knew how to express himself, “he could out-talk the boss.” Local 248 also published a newspaper, held regular classes in labor history.

LOCAL 248 ACTIVISTS OTHER THAN CHRISTOFFEL
Scope and Content Note: Frank Bolka, Linus Lingberg, Fred McStroul strong stewards; good committeemen like Emil Mattson were throughout the plant. Buse located in #1 Shop; Christoffel in #6 Shop; McQuitty, another good steward in Plating Department; Kennedy in the Mill Shop; Thompson in the Forge Shop.

LOCAL 248 GOALS
Scope and Content Note: Best possible wages and working conditions.

LABOR-MANAGEMENT CONFLICT AT ALLIS-CHALMERS
Scope and Content Note: “Upstairs” philosophy, embodied in such officials as Harold Story, was that there was a master and serf relationship. Discussion follows of calendar of events from 1937 to NLRB election in January 1938, won by Local 248.

ROLE OF COMMUNIST PARTY (CP) IN LOCAL 248
Scope and Content Note: Acquainted with such Party members as Fred Blair and Sigmund Eisenscher. Recalls Eisenscher worked at A-C in Pump Department. Almost everybody knew who Blair was since “he was around like horseshit.” CP had nothing to say about what 248 had done or was going to do, although unconsciously may have followed the “party line.” Not surprising since both CP and workers in Local 248 strongly pro-union.

ROLE OF SOCIALISTS
Scope and Content Note: Also present, but press didn't concern itself with socialists like they did the communists.

IBEW BARS CHRISTOFFEL FROM MEMBERSHIP YEARS AFTER A-C FIRES CHRISTOFFEL
Scope and Content Note: After Christoffel got job as electrician with Oconomowoc contractor, applied to join IBEW but denied not because IBEW thought he was a communist, but because Christoffel had led A-C workers out of the AFL and into the CIO. Oconomowoc contractor offered Christoffel a job in management, as an expeditor, a job he holds to this day. IBEW, with old socialist tradition, “hated the Communists worse than they hated the bosses.”

INFLUENCE OF DAILY WORKER ON A-C WORKERS
Scope and Content Note: Generally well received. Anecdote about getting shipment of castings from another foundry; tucked inside each casting was copy of Daily Worker.

NUMBER OF COMMUNIST PARTY MEMBERS WORKING AT A-C
Scope and Content Note: “No more than half-a-dozen.” Those who knew the facts ridiculed the “John Sentinel” series in the Milwaukee Sentinel.

HOMER MARTIN/GEORGE KIEBLER ADMINISTRATORSHIP
Scope and Content Note: “We fought 'em” after Martin administration raided Local 248 office, tried to steal union records. Set up an alternative office which 248 members picketed. Ponders reason for Martin's action since Local 248 had no desire for his direction.

EUGENE DENNIS/JAY LOVESTONE
Scope and Content Note: Buse had heard about Dennis, but doesn't recall meeting him. Doesn't recall Lovestone. Union activists considered Martin a “union breaker” who was not necessarily concerned over possible Communist Party influence. Workers knew management would be the only victor if Local 248 not protected.

END OF TAPE 1, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

LOCAL 248 “FLYING SQUADRON”
Scope and Content Note: Buse doesn't necessarily remember group as a “flying squadron” but one organized during Homer Martin period to disrupt meetings held by Martin crowd attempting to set up union to counter Local 248. Many of same workers involved in back-to-work movement during 1937 strike attended Martin meeting at Knights of Pythias Hall on National Avenue. Disruption of meetings helped Local 248 get image as militant union; “maybe we were too militant.” Same group helped other unions on picket lines; recalls egging scabs at Allen-Bradley during strike there in late 1930's. Buse, holding two eggs, punched in the guts by Milwaukee police.

UNION-MANAGEMENT ANTAGONISM AT ALLIS-CHALMERS IN LATE 1930's and EARLY 1940's
Scope and Content Note: Many grievances unsettled; management tried to hamstring steward effectiveness. Each department had two stewards and several committeemen to handle grievances while bargaining committee took second-step grievances to superintendents. War Labor Board set up after 1941 to arbitrate grievances. No extraordinary defense work at A-C plant at time of 1941 strike; management had problems because brass rings facility cast, failed to pass government inspection.

1941 STRIKE: ROLE OF CP AND BOGUS VOTE ISSUE
Scope and Content Note: Buse disputes company contention of bogus vote, describing how impossible it was for management to record how many workers voted because of location of union office at intersection with many street cars. Believes company somehow arranged for bogus vote with assistance of “stool pigeons” so vote would be invalidated. Emphatically refutes CP being dominant influence in strike vote. Communists no factor at all; “I knew those guys and they weren't effective in the shop.” Eisenscher pleasant to talk to but as a sweeper had no influence.

UNION-MANAGEMENT RELATIONS DURING WORLD WAR II
Scope and Content Note: “Biggest stalemate you ever seen.” Grievances rejected by company, taken to arbitrator who would usually rule in favor of union. Dean Lloyd Garrison, the first arbitrator, balanced decisions between company and union. Walter Fisher ruled more consistently in favor of union. Recalls that management wanted to install piecework instead of day work wage system to speed up work at brass foundry. Management rankled with Fisher after he ruled against company, which demanded a replacement. Spohn of Madison, an “old hard-shelled reactionary,” succeeded Fisher. Buse opposed Spohn, but Local 248 leadership approved after Christoffel argued he could be no worse than the two liberal predecessors. 248 won virtually every Spohn ruling, repeated earlier ruling in brass works piecework controversy. Management irritated but Spohn refused to resign. Strike of 1946-47 occurred because A-C management refused to let Spohn arbitrate any more cases.

CHANGES IN WORK FORCE DURING WORLD WAR II
Scope and Content Note: Many more women and blacks worked at A-C. 248 insisted that women working piecework be paid same wages as men. Some Jamaican workers once brought into plant after A-C and Falk Corporation managements made arrangements with British government. Jamaicans, unsuitably dressed for mid-winter climate, housed in heavily black sixth ward. Local 248 pressed series of grievances which forced company to provide adequate housing for Jamaicans, and insisted they be paid wages equal to whites.

PARTICIPATION BY WOMEN AND BLACKS IN LOCAL 248
Scope and Content Note: Recalls one old woman who would knit in front row of union meetings, then gave Buse a long scarf and pair of gloves. Remembers confrontation with Fred Blair over CP insistence that black be named to 248 executive board. Buse agreed but only if such a member elected to avoid charge that person was “Bob Buse's stooge.” Foundry worker was elected and served until Buse and others ousted.

CHANGE IN WORK FORCE AFTER WORLD WAR II
Scope and Content Note: Little change because large number of A-C workers deferred for defense production.

END OF TAPE 2, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

MORE ON BLACK WORKERS
Scope and Content Note: Recalls black college graduate working on roof to watch for sparks and Local 248 grieving in his behalf for better job. Blacks usually sweepers, oilers, or latrine cleaners. Local 248 forced management to adhere to Fair Employment Practices Act. Such support paid off during 1946-47 strike when few if any blacks scabbed.

MILWAUKEE COUNTY AND STATE INDUSTRIAL UNION COUNCILS
Scope and Content Note: Buse always a delegate, finally elected president of County IUC, then State IUC. Purpose of State IUC to meet, communicate, and keep close working relationships with unions represented. Recalls close friendship of his with auto worker Harvey Kitzman, “a right winger” close to Reuther. Talked often about grievances and discussed parallels between grievable conditions at A-C and J.I. Case in Racine. Believes Kitzman a “real good guy.”

DEFINITION OF “LEFT” AND “RIGHT” WINGS OF STATE IUC
Scope and Content Note: Lines between the two not that sharply drawn at the time. Kitzman supported Reuther, while Buse and Christoffel disliked him. Thomas White, Buse's predecessor as State IUC president, couldn't be labeled. Buse probably deserves “left” label as would “any guy that went up against the militia during the milk strike and any guy that helped organize a good strong union, he would be considered a left-winger even if he was not a member of the Socialist or Communist Party....” Buse never joined any party. Christoffel less able than Buse to get along with Kitzman, George Nordstrom, and others in UAW hierarchy. UAW-CIO provided much more support during 1946-47 strike than would have had Christoffel been president since Buse friendlier to more people and would talk to almost anyone, except to Reuther.

COUNTY AND STATE IUC's ELECT NEW SLATE OF OFFICERS
Scope and Content Note: Didn't view new County IUC slate as “right-wing takeover,” unlike 1947 State IUC meeting which Buse chaired. Herman Steffes elected president as compromise candidate to keep a more undesirable candidate, from Buse's standpoint, from being chosen. Defines a real right-winger as one who “would be a bastard.” Doesn't recall John Sorenson, who was elected secretary-treasurer of state IUC in 1947.

FORCES BEHIND TURNING BUSE OUT AS STATE IUC PRESIDENT
Scope and Content Note: UAW international representative, whose name Buse can't recall, one of most instrumental. UAW in concert with national CIO worked to replace Local 248 and State IUC leadership. Philip Murray “had no use for me” because he thought “I was a Red.”

UAW AND CIO SUPPORT FOR LOCAL 248 DURING 1946-47 STRIKE
Scope and Content Note: R. J. Thomas supporter of 248 because of Buse; probably would not have been had Christoffel still been president. Good support also from George Addes.

MORE ON 1947 STATE IUC CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: John Brophy, Philip Murray's representative, most prominent in changing voting procedure for delegates to “get us out of there. We knew we were licked before it [the convention] started.” Even Mel Heinritz dispensed with, a left-winger but not a member of CP because of strong Catholicism.

ROLE OF MEYER ADELMAN
Scope and Content Note: Adelman afraid of Buse. Recalls Schroeder Hotel meeting with Heinritz, Blair, Adelman, and himself at which Buse accused Blair of selling out to Adelman because Communist Party members not allowed to help organize in USWA despite Adelman contributions to support Daily Worker and other CP activities. Questions whether room wired for sound because Thomas later claimed that Phil Murray knew the essence of the conversation.

ASSOCIATION OF CATHOLIC TRADE UNIONISTS (ACTU) IN MILWAUKEE
Scope and Content Note: Recalls early ACTU attempt “which went haywire” because ACTU activists viewed as “bullshitters” by shop workers.

MORE ON SCHROEDER HOTEL MEETING WITH ADELMAN, BLAIR, AND HEINRITZ
Scope and Content Note: Thomas told Buse that because of arrangement with Blair, Adelman would always be USWA regional director because votes were tallied in Pittsburgh. Sees Adelman as a double-crosser in order to survive in autocratic CIO hierarchy.

ABSENCE OF COMMUNIST PARTY ORGANIZERS IN USWA
Scope and Content Note: Doubts if Emil Costello ever a Party member since he didn't have enough discipline. Recalls erratic work habits while president of State IUC, habits that CP would not have tolerated. Costello might have been good organizer in Kenosha and Racine, but not in Milwaukee area.

ANECDOTE ABOUT LEFT-WINGER PAUL RUSSO AT ITALIAN RESTAURANT
Scope and Content Note: Lover of Italian food; another undisciplined left-winger. “If the Communist Party had all the left-wingers in it, they'd have taken power in the country.”

END OF TAPE 2, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

CIO PAC
Scope and Content Note: Helped distribute literature, but played no role in making policy.

WHY CIO PAC DOWN ON ROBERT M. LA FOLLETTE, JR.
Scope and Content Note: Buse always liked La Follette, and didn't agree with 1946 PAC opposition. Recalls last time he saw La Follette in Washington, he was debating whether to run as Progressive or Republican; Buse warned him about running in Republican ranks where he had “no friends.” La Follette liked among A-C workers; recalls that organized labor has been held responsible for his defeat, rather than La Follette himself, who would have won had he remained a Progressive.

EDMUND BOBROWICZ 1946 PRIMARY CAMPAIGN FOR CONGRESS
Scope and Content Note: No connection to that campaign and La Follette's defeat.

ISSUES LEADING UP TO 1946-47 STRIKE
Scope and Content Note: Company dumping Spohn as arbitrator the dominant issue because grievance procedure threatened. Wages a relatively unimportant issue. Union, because of favorable arbitrator decisions, had cost company money. Recalls 1.5 million dollar settlement involving A-C forge shop. Explains how similar grievances lumped together, accomplishing more than by consideration of individual grievances. “We beat the company hands down” on handling of grievances and company retaliated by desiring a strike.

CHRISTOFFEL AND BUSE RELATIONSHIP WHEN CHRISTOFFEL RETURNS DURING STRIKE
Scope and Content Note: Christoffel, uncompromising person who kept his distance from anyone he didn't like, would not have been supported as well by UAW and national CIO as Buse was. Christoffel, after return from military, made Local 248 honorary president and bargaining committee representative; he and Buse resumed friendship which remains to this day. Worked well together.

BUSE AND CHRISTOFFEL TESTIFY BEFORE HOUSE EDUCATION AND LABOR COMMITTEE IN WASHINGTON, D.C.
Scope and Content Note: Went to testify about A-C strike, to influence favorably many of the committee members. Completely surprising when testimony turned into a “red-baiting hearing.” Congressman Kersten very anti-Communist. Harold Story well-prepared, “Geez, that must have cost 'em a lot of money.” Story “a hell of a nice guy to talk to” but had “screwy” ideas. Reminds interviewer how Story's anti-minority bias as president of Milwaukee school board has hurt the city.

IMPACT OF TESTIMONY ON STRIKE OF 1946-47
Scope and Content Note: Strike getting bogged down by time of hearing. Rank-and-file workers didn't consider testimony that damaging to Local 248. Recalls five years after he left A-C, a union committeeman called him for help on grievances: “He didn't want to believe we were gone.”

STRIKE SAGS, THEN ENDS
Scope and Content Note: Many began to go back to work, although equal number stayed out. “Damn few” blacks scabbed; many never went back to work there.

BUSE AND OTHERS FIRED BY A-C
Scope and Content Note: Faced with WLRB election, Local 248 leadership ordered strikers to return to work. Buse and nearly 100 others got telegrams that they should not report. Company official lugged Buse's tool boxes to street so he wouldn't enter plant. Ironically, “we saved the union; we lost everything else though.”

IMPACT ON 248 AFTER BUSE AND OTHERS FIRED
Scope and Content Note: With most of rank-and-file disillusioned, Local 248 ineffective ever since. Lacks full backing of membership to this day. Walked into Local 248 office recently to see a film, which was “like walking in a tomb” because everything was dead.

WORKS AS FIELD REPRESENTATIVE FOR FOOD, TOBACCO, AGRICULTURAL, AND ALLIED WORKERS OF AMERICA
Scope and Content Note: Harry Virgil offered Buse job which included organizing cemetery workers. Led Forest Home cemetery workers strike; negotiated contracts with Libby, Del Monte at Rochelle, Illinois, and organized CPC Cannery workers at Mendota, Illinois, in corn country where it was difficult getting membership cards signed because most workers were transients, mostly whites from the South.

END OF TAPE 3, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

ORGANIZING CANNERY WORKERS AT MENDOTA, ILLINOIS
Scope and Content Note: Explains workers conditions; Buse lived in bunkhouse, ate in company restaurant, and went into plant to look for potential leaders. In two weeks had about 2000 workers organized and wearing buttons. After worker turnover had to repeat entire organizing process with help of stewards. CPC good managers who maintained well-kept plant and grounds. Obtained four-cent-per-hour wage increase at Rochelle and DeKalb; sought same settlement at Mendota despite recession. Advised to leave Mendota immediately after settlement because gamblers had bet union would not secure four-cent raise.

WORKS FOR ERNIE DE MAIO AND UNITED ELECTRICAL, RADIO, AND MACHINE WORKERS OF AMERICA (UE)
Scope and Content Note: In midst of decertification struggle with IUE, Buse refused to work with UE at Battle Creek, Michigan, and left labor union activity for good.

DRIVES TRUCK FOR MILLER FISHERIES

HIRED AS FOREMAN AT BLACKHAWK TANNING CO.
Scope and Content Note: Many black and Spanish-speaking workers.

ATTEMPTS TO OBTAIN EMPLOYMENT BEFORE BLACKHAWK TANNING CO.
Scope and Content Note: Bumped around “from pillar to post” during difficult period. Anecdote about comfortable life now.

RESPONSE BY FRIENDS IN GREENFIELD DURING TROUBLES AT A-C
Scope and Content Note: Little effect on friends and neighbors. Recalls years later how he chaired meeting of Greenfield Park and Recreation Board, set up volunteer recreation programs including little league, theater, etc. Offered part-time paid job until Greenfield alderman went to Milwaukee Journal which published story. State legislator James Devitt among those who attended large board meeting; Buse, after welcoming all, stated, “You can say whatever you wanna, but the first guy that calls me a Communist I'm gonna sue 'em....”

POSSIBILITY OF INTERVIEWER MEETING WITH CHRISTOFFEL AND BUSE TOGETHER IN THE NEAR FUTURE

WHAT LOCAL 248 ACCOMPLISHED FROM 1937-1947
Scope and Content Note: Most important is that it “brought a feeling of freedom to the guy in the shop” because he knew he had a steward to back him up. Ability of shop worker to express self freely to boss was more important than money.

IMPORTANCE OF CIO ORGANIZING DRIVES IN FORMATION OF LOCAL 248
Scope and Content Note: Local 248 a product of the times, in context of mass labor organizing. Expresses dim view of AFL and contemporary AFL-CIO; not the same union it was “because it's gotten respectable.” Wage increases secured by UAW today unheard of in 1930's and '40's.

PERSONAL SATISFACTION OVER INVOLVEMENT IN 248 AND LABOR MOVEMENT
Scope and Content Note: Ability to help many people, bring workers to self-respect, better wages, and working conditions at A-C and other plants. Work with CPC management in Illinois made it clearer how calloused A-C management was.

END OF TAPE 3, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

GREATEST DISAPPOINTMENTS
Scope and Content Note: Would like to have continued working at A-C because of like for skilled job as machinery repairman in various departments. Respected by many foremen. Strike of 1946-47 not really lost because “we bettered the whole ball of wax.” Personally encountered hard time as a result of union activity, including loss of home because couldn't meet mortgage payments. Overall, “a most interesting life, so far.”

BUSE'S CHILDREN
Scope and Content Note: Son works at Allen-Bradley Co. and married to union steward. Daughter lives in northern Wisconsin near Eagle River; son-in-law commutes to Ladfish Company. Little discussion about union activity. Son's politics similar to his; not an “out and out red-hot” but conscious of who the “bastards are.”

NO APOLOGIES FOR PAST INVOLVEMENT
Scope and Content Note: Happy to leave the world in better shape than it was in, in terms of working conditions. Has much the same feeling as in 1932 when reacted to seeing militiamen at Battle of Durham Hill club a friend. Proud of the United States and majority of people.

END OF INTERVIEW