INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND
Scope and Content Note: Born in Kenosha August 28, 1909, in home on Middle Street (now 50th Street), later moved to home on Lakeshore Road north of Kenosha. Attended St. George's school, then went to Catholic boarding school for three years, graduated from high school in 1927. Father, a businessman, killed by automobile when Wallig was eleven years old, leaving wife and seven children.

EARLY EMPLOYMENT
Scope and Content Note: Did odd jobs, then worked at Simmons Company in garnett room, probably worst shop in plant because of dust, noise, and winter coldness. Wanted to go to college but 1929 crash and depression ended such ambitions.

JOINS TRAVELING THEATER TROUPE; RETURNS TO WORK AT SIMMONS
Scope and Content Note: Out of job in spring of 1932 after making seventy cents per hour; returned to work at Simmons in spring of 1933 at forty cents per hour. He and several others beginning in summer of 1932 staged theatricals for six months in Michigan.

RETURN TO SIMMONS AND START OF UNION
Scope and Content Note: Worked night shift with two others in both shipping and garnett rooms. Recalls being paid three times per month; meeting Felix Olkives and Gilbert Fechner at plant gates talking of forming union. Meeting to form union held on a Saturday afternoon; Wallig applied for union membership on August 12, 1933. Charter granted to Federal Labor Union (FLU) 18456 on August 14, 1933.

WORKING CONDITIONS AT SIMMONS WHEN UNION FORMED
Scope and Content Note: Management hired high school graduates in sewing room for 17-1/2 cents per hour; women paid 25 cents per hour under statute minimum.

EARLY FUMBLING AROUND BY UNION
Scope and Content Note: Poor leadership under first several presidents; staged one-week strike in early February 1934 for recognition. Settlement brought recognition and increase in wages of five cents per hour.

EARLY ACTIVITY OF EMIL COSTELLO IN FLU 18456
Scope and Content Note: Recalls Costello, member of union's executive committee, during celebration after settlement, criticizing leaders of Wisconsin State Federation of Labor (WSFL) for lack of assistance. Costello not particularly active in union at that time, but “he was building his own organization” and stepped into presidency of 18456 at the end of 1934.

WALLIG'S POLITICS WHEN UNION FORMED
Scope and Content Note: Had always been a Democrat like his father, who had been treasurer of Kenosha County party. Recalls how Simmons management urged workers to vote against presidential candidate Al Smith for the sake of the company's viability. Wallig voted regularly, but not heavily involved in politics. “I was a guy that was trying to pay off his past debts to get the money together to get married. And that took me two years....”

WALLIG ACTIVE IN UNION FROM BEGINNING
Scope and Content Note: Each department had a committee; Wallig was chairman of committee in garnett room by time of February 1934 strike.

REACTION OF MANAGEMENT TO UNION ACTIVITY
Scope and Content Note: Antagonistic but didn't put up a “Kohler-type fight....” Management attempted to counter union by forming leagues for softball, dartball, bowling; even held a minstrel show. In 1935, Wallig assigned to cutting room on the day shift, where for about three years he had no union voice because of ill-feeling of employees in other soft goods departments as cuttinging-room workers paid five cents per hour more. Wallig pushed for affiliation with American Federation of Labor (AFL) in battle with Costello and Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO).

NO ATTEMPT MADE BY COMPANY TO BEGIN COMPANY UNION
Scope and Content Note: Simmons management lived on Kenosha's north side, where most Simmons workers also lived. Company's paternalism the main anti-union ploy, with leagues, picnics “to look like a great big good fairy god-father....”

DESCRIPTION OF COMPANY BEFORE WORLD WAR II
Scope and Content Note: Simmons factory consisted of many small departments. Company originally made metal beds, springs, including a foundry. In 1920's, Wallig went to work for Simmons in garnett room just as company was starting to manufacture bedding and had completed new addition for that purpose. Next, Simmons went into metal furniture line; also had a wood room to construct folding chairs. Had own powerhouse, since factory located adjacent to Lake Michigan shore. Each division superintendent was autonomous; “practically ran his own little kingdom,” including setting wage rates, until war years led to increased management centralization.

COSTELLO WORKS IN SIMMONS SPRING SECTION
Scope and Content Note: Wallig had known Costello because both avid supporters of local football team. In 1929, Simmons went into “deep sleep” promotional mattress business. Costello assigned to that department in 1933. Wallig and others in soft goods were younger people who made better wages than those in spring division, which had older workers, many of whom were Italians with little education and who were overworked and underpaid. Costello appealed to spring division workers, whose support was basis for his strength in union. Costello a fiery, arm-waving, long-winded orator, but couldn't speak Italian. Never any proof that Costello belonged to the Communist Party, but he attracted some people who may have been. Costello pushed the company more than anyone else was willing to. Recalls in 1935 or '36 Costello fought for wage minimums and increases and manipulated company despite union not having required 75 percent strike vote. In all, Costello a good organizer who chose several individuals who would work with him, but not upstage him.

INCIDENCE OF CP MEMBERSHIP IN KENOSHA AREA IN 1930's
Scope and Content Note: Recalls one individual in building trades who boasted of CP membership, who later became a Democrat and a self-employed contractor.

ROCKFORD AS A CENTER OF RADICAL UNION ACTIVITY
Scope and Content Note: CP dominated union activity in furniture industry in Rockford, where Costello spent most of his time during assembly term.

FLU 18456 SENDS REPRESENTATIVES TO KENOSHA TRADES AND LABOR COUNCIL
Scope and Content Note: Seated on equal basis according to number of members. Defers questions about problems with craft unions in KTLC to Harold (Red) Newton. [See Harold J. Newton interview conducted for Wisconsin Labor Oral History Project in 1982.]

BEGINNING OF FLU 18456 TUSSLE WITH CIO
Scope and Content Note: Costello went to AFL convention in Miami in 1936, ran for executive board against Matthew Woll and was soundly beaten. Simmons plant in Elizabeth, New Jersey being organized by CIO; Costello wanted 18456 to go CIO also but tricked by Fitzpatrick, 18456 vice president.

END OF TAPE 1, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

MORE ON 1937 NLRB ELECTION WHERE FITZPATRICK'S SCHEME KEEPS FLU 18546 in AFL
Scope and Content Note: Playing on Costello's ego, Fitzpatrick convinced him to include office workers in ballot. Costello and supporters took books from union office, took money out of Kenosha bank and deposited it in Waukegan bank. By the time vote held in August or September, company was spreading propaganda to play one organization off against the other, easy to do because of intensity of campaign by both sides. AFL beat CIO by 150 votes, with nearly 100 percent of the 250 office workers' votes supporting AFL.

POST-ELECTION LAYOFFS FOR COSTELLO AND CIO FOLLOWERS
Scope and Content Note: Costello supposedly indicated he would never again get involved in organizing activity in Simmons. Union leadership remained badly split after election; coupled with effects of recession in 1938, union spun its wheels through early 1940. 18456 began to make gains again in late 1940 and 1941.

AFL AND CIO RIVALRY IN OTHER KENOSHA PLANTS
Scope and Content Note: No raid pact signed after Simmons election. In war years, Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers union tried to raid American Brass, but CIO and AFL leaders in Kenosha bound to support no raid agreement. Snap-on Tools Corporation organized strictly along craft lines; no serious CIO bid at Nash Motors. Recalls how Frances Perkins came to Kenosha and applauded labor harmony, although heads of both Wisconsin State Federation of Labor (WSFL) and Wisconsin State Industrial Union Council (IUC) not very pleased with her remarks.

MOST RELIABLE AFL LEADERS IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Felix Olkives, Red Newton, and Gilbert Fechner the key organizers; later, such state leaders and such representatives as Paul Smith, David Sigman, and Charles Heymanns important in ironing out difficulties. Recalls how Sigman made arrangement with Simmons management without informing union resulting in increased membership. More reliance on regional office during World War II after War Labor Board established. Sigman would make deal with company managers, then tell union leadership of the arrangement, while Jake Friedrich was strictly an advisor. Sigman's stature as regional director resulted from friendship with Joseph Padway: “As long as Padway was around, Dave had it made.” [Also see David Sigman and Charles heymanns interviews conducted for Wisconsin Labor Oral History Project in 1981 and 1982.]

FELIX OLKIVES DENIED REGIONAL DIRECTORSHIP
Scope and Content Note: William Green, AFL president, had promised regional directorship to Olkives, but Padway's influence probably secured the job for Sigman. Olkives a good organizer, instrumental in union formation at Parker Pen Company in Janesville.

LABOR DAY CELEBRATIONS IN KENOSHA
Scope and Content Note: Up to World War II, parade to Washington Bowl on north side with festivities and speakers even before industrial organizing got underway. In 1930's arrangement made to alternate speakers between AFL and CIO.

WORKERS STAGE WALKOUTS AT SIMMONS IN 1942
Scope and Content Note: By 1942, departmental walkouts had begun. When workers in one department once walked out, Sigman threatened to pull charter unless they returned.

UNITED VOTERS CLUB IN KENOSHA
Scope and Content Note: First National Bank and good government league dominant in local politics. Once organized labor took over control of city council, it took steps to hire city manager more favorable to its interests.

PAUL RUSSO AT NASH MOTOR COMPANY
Scope and Content Note: Instrumental in building labor political influence. Russo was possibly a socialist. [See Paul Russo interview conducted for Wisconsin Labor Oral History Project in 1982.]

REVIEW OF WALLIG'S INVOLVEMENT IN FLU 18456
Scope and Content Note: Initially chairman of department room committee in garnett room; in 1939 after several years in cutting room became committee chairman there. Work force in early years of World War II dropped from about 2200 to 1400; Wallig took over gas-rationing position with Simmons in 1943. Approached in 1944 about running for FLU 18456 executive board. Secretary Martin Ferkin elected president and Wallig secretary. Ten-week strike from September to December 1945 staged after favorable decision by War Labor Board. Ferkin, who made too many promises he couldn't keep, resigned presidency in May 1946. After successor ineffective, Wallig as secretary practically ran union, then ran successfully for presidency where he remained until leaving in early June 1952 to work for AFL.

END OF TAPE 1, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

CHANGES IN SIMMONS WORK FORCE DURING WORLD WAR II
Scope and Content Note: Simmons differed from many industries; many voluntary layoffs, no big government contracts. Often worked as little as thirty-five hours per week in Kenosha, while Simmons plants on coasts had war contracts. Management at Simmons in Kenosha as in 1930's clung to controlled production technique. Some government work in furniture resulted in some workers wanting to quit rather than receive fifty hours of pay for five hours of work because it was demoralizing compared to the war work going on at Nash and American Brass. Kenosha Brass division set up at latter company to handle government work. Simmons did make insulated tents, rucksacks, and stretchers for war effort but work sporadic. Contract disputes led to much paperwork, War Labor Board decision, and 1945 strike.

POSTWAR ACTIVITY AT SIMMONS
Scope and Content Note: Complexion changed completely, with employment jumping to 3000 within six months of end of war and strike. While other Simmons plants had to retool for civilian production, Kenosha equipment in place for full domestic production. Estimates fifteen per cent of mattresses by late 1940's manufactured at Simmons in Kenosha.

WALLIG AS PRESIDENT OF FLU 18456 BEGINNING IN LATE 1946
Scope and Content Note: Defeated ambitious workers who had returned to Simmons from Nash. Membership pulled together well in post-strike years while long-term contract in force through 1947. Recalls negotiations with company during which unskilled workers in 18456 negotiated for better wage agreement than machinists. In all, Wallig got reputation as hard bargainer despite having come from the cutting room.

ATTEMPT TO FORM COUNCIL OF UNIONS AT ALL SIMMONS PLANTS
Scope and Content Note: In 1947, CIO furniture and upholsterers unions on coasts, together with FLU 18456 tried to form Council. Wallig named chairman of twenty-man executive board, met and negotiated with management officials over issue of controlled production. Company plan incongruous with actual jobs performed in various departments. Recalls that there were some wage concessions before union representatives retreated to ball park just south of Simmons plant, where Wallig was treated like a hero.

INCIDENCE OF WILDCAT STRIKES AT SIMMONS IN POSTWAR PERIOD
Scope and Content Note: Off-year in soft goods in 1949 resulted in some layoffs before business picked up. 1950 contract settled, then Korean conflict began, with business improving. Order for cargo shoots arrived in 1951 at a time when 4000 employed. Wood room workers walked out over proposed increase in productivity quotas, followed by workers in all departments. During three-week wildcat, no pickets but company stuck to suggestion for outlandish production goals. Company garnished all wages, sued union at rate of $39,000 per day, and tied up funds for amateur baseball team. As of July 1, union legally entitled to strike for wages so wildcat called off and settlement reached. 3,962 workers involved in contract settlement, assisted by AFL representative Charles Heymanns and Marshall Mercier, WSFL time-study expert.

ANOTHER WILDCAT STRIKE
Scope and Content Note: Steel mill workers walked out over inadequate heating in shop. By time it was settled, Wallig had obtained reputation for bravery for not running from union dissidents who stormed across baseball field in protest of way he had negotiated settlement.

WALLIG APPOINTED AFL ORGANIZER IN 1952
Scope and Content Note: One hundred dollar per week salary made offer hard to turn down.

END OF TAPE 2, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

WALLIG'S INVOLVEMENT IN GAINING GREATER RECOGNITION FOR FLU's WITHIN AFL
Scope and Content Note: FLU's relied heavily on Rudy Faupl at War Labor Board before Haberman caused his removal in 1945. Commotion arose over FLU favorite Faupl, and “Four Horsemen” created. After Haberman called off 1945 WSFL convention, Carl Griepentrog threatened to start court proceeding against WSFL. In 1946 at Superior convention, representation determined by per capita; dissidents saw battle between “us” and the building trades, with “us” strength in Allied Industrial Workers, Boot and Shoe Workers, and Pulp and Sulphite. Rump conference called for. Recalls in 1946 how constitution committee chairman William Cooper proposed resolution to drop socialist clause from WSFL constitution. Committee of dissidents led by Merrill Rhey of American Brass and Edward E. Edwards of FLU 18499 (Globe Steel Tubes Company) drew up slate which included Four Horsemen. Haberman supporters co-opted dissidents by introducing slate which included several also on dissidents' slate. Dissidents later decided to withhold (abstain) three hundred votes rather than vote for Haberman as president.

FLU CONFERENCE ATTEMPTS TO FORM NATIONAL ORGANIZATION
Scope and Content Note: John Cudahy favored branching out nationally and contacted other FLU leaders; at 1947 and 1948 WSFL conventions FLU's had same strength as did before Conference established.

IMPORTANCE OF ESTABLISHING AN FLU CONFERENCE
Scope and Content Note: Attitude of trade groups often that FLU's should go into CIO where they belonged. FLU couldn't submit resolutions to national convention without prior approval of WSFL. FLU's felt ill-treatment in Wisconsin should have been taken up with William Green instead of George Haberman of WSFL, whose politics were distrusted because he was the epitome of building trades-teamster alliance. Service from AFL also fell short up to 1949.

HABERMAN ATTITUDE TOWARD FLU's COMPARED TO HENRY OHL, J. J. HANDLEY, AND JAKE FRIEDRICK
Scope and Content Note: Ohl and Handley were probably no more favorable to FLU's than Haberman. Friedrick, had he been elected president, would have been more friendly towards FLU's out of logic, not out of combativeness like Haberman, a “bare-knuckle fighter.” Haberman, owing much of his support to two staunch Republicans, William Cooper and Frank Ranney, made great press with off-the-cuff remarks within earshot of reporters.

WALLIG AS A DEMOCRAT
Scope and Content Note: Wallig a Roosevelt Democrat and a La Follette Progressive. After Robert M. La Follette's return to the Republican Party, it was much bemoaned that labor had let him down in the La Follette-McCarthy primary. Wallig states that counter-argument is important: labor couldn't dump Democrats at county level for La Follette in the primary; didn't want to risk urging crossover by workers in Republican primary because “once you get your people crossing over, sometimes you don't get 'em comin' back. They stay there.”

MORE ON GEORGE HABERMAN
Scope and Content Note: Deserves credit for hiring time-and-motion study person to aid new unions during World War II. During 1950's, Haberman tended to become more favorable towards Democrats.

POSSIBILITY OF FLU's DROPPING OUT OF AFL
Scope and Content Note: Never considered leaving AFL for the CIO because “we wanted less of the CIO than it was.” Such FLU leaders as Cudahy and Wallig thought United Auto Workers (UAW) were “more propaganda than performance”; felt that FLU's could, and did, get something out of activism “and then we blew it ourselves” in 1951. Anecdote about how Haberman agreed to go along with several resolutions to help set up process where unions would file their contracts and settlements to exchange information available to FLU's but FLU's didn't press issue when the plan failed to work in second year.

ONE MORE ATTEMPT TO GET CANDIDATE TO OPPOSE HABERMAN
Scope and Content Note: In 1949, attempted to persuade Harold Beck of office workers, but he wouldn't. Then decided to run Freda Kunde for executive board, but story leaked to Haberman and Nagorsne, who successfully ran Marian White of Madison.

HABERMAN'S THREAT TO ATTEND STATE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION
Scope and Content Note: Norbeck, Rhey, Wallig, and others took view that Haberman would speak not as a private person, but as representative of WSFL, while John Cudahy took the opposite view. Peace made with Haberman by early 1950's after socialist plank restored to state constitution. In gubernatorial primary of 1950, Andrew Biemiller backed William Sanderson, Congressman Merlin Hull's secretary, while many in WSFL supported Thomas Fairchild. Both Haberman and CIO leadership backed Sanderson, who was beaten badly despite WSFL financial support.

END OF TAPE 2, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

HABERMAN'S POLITICS
Scope and Content Note: Haberman once said he had never joined a political party, indicating he had to remain neutral because of his position. Spoke at Democratic Party fund-raisers and rallies.

INFLUENCE OF POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (PAC) ON HABERMAN'S VIEWS
Scope and Content Note: Taft-Hartley Act was main reason for formation of political education committees. Haberman felt union's role was to raise money, and he would decide where to spend it. At Stevens Point convention, members decided that education committee in each district would raise own funds and make decisions about where it should be spent.

JUDGE AGNEW WITHDRAWS CANDIDACY IN FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT
Scope and Content Note: Popular retired judge in western part of district withdrew from Democratic Party primary because Ralph Immell running in the same primary and refused to run on opposite ticket. Jack Harvey, Racine, then ran but building trades wouldn't support him because he was a socialist. Such political involvement led to link with state Democratic Party. In Kenosha, political education committee doing all of the work and dormant local Democratic Party almost totally unaware of their activity. Led to Wallig's acceptance of chairmanship of Kenosha County Democratic Party; Sam Rizzo elected to Racine County chairmanship at about same time.

DEFINITION OF “WEST END” OF FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT
Scope and Content Note: Beloit and Janesville in Rock County, as well as Green County. Green County voters always voted Republican, but Walworth County was “complete murder” at that time. Wallig chairman of Kenosha County party, and eventually the last chairman of district political education committee before COPE started.

GROUPS WHICH BEGAN TO COOPERATE WITH FIRST DISTRICT DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZING COMMITTEE AND LABOR'S POLITICAL EDUCATION COMMITTEE
Scope and Content Note: Wallig a member-at-large of Democratic Organizing Committee (DOC) and Sam Rizzo of Racine UAW, first district representative, worked well together and also cooperated with some farmers' cooperatives. Problems in Racine when building trades mounted opposition to Lawrence Smith because they wanted to back a Republican. A puzzling situation because in Kenosha, many in building trades were old socialists, FDR Democrats, and Progressives.

CLARIFICATION OF TERMS “PROGRESSIVE” AND “CONSERVATIVE” IN WSFL
Scope and Content Note: Gives example of 1948 WSFL state convention where delegates were urged to raise funds to support repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act, but resolution endorsing Truman for president was tabled largely because of building trades and teamster opposition.

PETER SCHOEMANN AS THE POWER BROKER IN THE WSFL
Scope and Content Note: “Schoemann was the power.” Recalls incident at Eau Claire WSFL convention as illustration of Schoemann's power, although he rarely took the floor.

GEORGE HALL AS HAND-PICKED SUCCESSOR TO WILLIAM NAGORSNE AS WSFL SECRETARY-TREASURER
Scope and Content Note: Assumed by many that Hall was the swing vote in situation involving Rudy Faupl in mid-1940's. Wallig supported by all FLU's.

STATUS OF FLU's WHEN WALLIG BEGINS DUTIES AS FIELD REPRESENTATIVE IN 1952
Scope and Content Note: From 1952 to merger, Wallig organized only two FLU's. Had machinists stayed in AFL consistently over time, fewer FLU's would have been organized. Some smaller firms also went out of business, leading to declining number of FLU's; others were absorbed into internationals. Perhaps fifty-five FLU's left by merger; four left when Wallig retired in early 1970's, not including brewery workers locals. FLU 18456 went to furniture workers union before Simmons moved its plant out of Kenosha; FLU 19322 at American Brass went to steel workers; Faust Co. workers went to AIW. In Racine, Western Printing FLU 19241 went to UAW. The “only real kingdom left” today is at A.O. Smith. [See Wilbur Le Clair interview conducted for Wisconsin Labor Oral History Project in 1982.]

ADDITIONAL COMMENTS ON POST-MERGER INTERPLAY BETWEEN OLD FLU REPRESENTATIVES AND VARIOUS INTERNATIONAL UNIONS

END OF TAPE 3, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

REASONS FOR STRENGTH OF FLU's IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Wisconsin had not greatest number of FLU's but had largest number of members in FLU's. Reason is because AFL had volunteer organizers, one of whom was Felix Olkives, in various communities; CIO had advance organizing teams, followed by negotiators who had to try to live up to organizers' promises. Council charter could be obtained in any community in which seven industries were organized. Gives example of organization in city of Burlington where AFL system worked smoothly, while CIO set out on county-wide basis in Racine County which resulted in spottiness. FLU's had certain amount of autonomy, fiercely independent in Kenosha County; dues were cheap; state federation had organizer in field. AFL regional office better staffed in southeastern region of state than CIO, which often had out-of-state organizers. Recalls leaders that came out of Wisconsin labor movement, including Gil Brunner who stated after getting assignment to New England that “if you've learned the trade union movement in Wisconsin, you don't have to worry [about] anything.”

AFL AS MORE SUCCESSFUL ORGANIZERS OF UNIONS THAN CIO BY 1943
Scope and Content Note: CIO had problems with bad press because of alleged radicals until they were purged in the late 1940's; CIO run from the top down as opposed to AFL. In Kenosha area, many workers in fabricated metals industries found more affinity with AFL than CIO, as opposed to such CIO successes in Milwaukee as Bucyrus-Erie and Harnischfeger. Comments on success of UAW-AFL (AIW) in many communities as compared to UAW-CIO. AFL in Wisconsin had more manpower; regional office often staffed by three or four people. WSFL provided time-and-motion study man, much needed for negotiations. CIO aimed for big companies and left AFL “to clean up on the smaller ones.”

POLITICAL EDUCATION ACTIVITY LEADS TO MORE COOPERATION BETWEEN WSFL AND STATE IUC
Scope and Content Note: WSFL and State IUC cooperated more, in spite of rift between Haberman and IUC leadership. No-raid pact in Kenosha ended infighting, although the pact did more to stop CIO than AFL raids. Last AFL raid was in 1952 when UAW-AFL (AIW) threatened to take over Aluminum Goods Manufacturing Company workers in Manitowoc and Two Rivers, which led to bitter fight between AIW and AFL. Ultimately, USWA absorbed aluminum workers there. At Malleable Iron Range Company in Beaver Dam, foundry workers went one direction, and rest of workers went to IBEW. John Deere Horicon Works foundry workers went to molders, while machinery department went to machinists. Workers at old Jones Manufacturing Co. in Fort Atkinson also split.

WHY MERGER IN WISCONSIN AND KENOSHA IS SLOW IN COMING
Scope and Content Note: Financing and staffing were among the issues that retarded state merger, as well as intense pressure in and of itself. Partly responsible also were Haberman's inopportune remarks about Charles Schultz, State IUC president. In Kenosha, merger talks dragged on for different reasons, although the chief difficulty seemed to be that AFL and CIO organizations had gotten along too well for so long. Recalls how he and George Molinaro of UAW Local 72 would give political speeches at one another's union meetings.

MERGER PROBLEMS IN OTHER COMMUNITIES
Scope and Content Note: Recounts how he told one federation not to wait for state to merge, angering Haberman. In La Crosse, all AFL craft unions outside of Trane Company local represented in central body, which was run conservatively and had surplus of money which CIO felt should be spent. Merger there was an unhappy marriage for awhile. Wallig tried to get Beloit and Janesville to join as one group, but failed in part because of argument over where meetings would be held.

SIZE OF BLACK WORK FORCE IN KENOSHA
Scope and Content Note: Small until Nash and Hudson merger. Many blacks commuted on North Shore line from Waukegan to work at Nash, primarily in foundry. Blacks moved and settled in Kenosha after transfer from Detroit Hudson plant. Increase in Racine black population since World War I; many blacks working in Beloit live in South Beloit just across Wisconsin state line.

IMPORTANCE OF LABOR PRESS FOR LABOR UNITY IN KENOSHA
Scope and Content Note: Anecdote about Kenosha News publisher building house with non-union labor, after which subscriptions dropped by fifty percent. Tone of News improved thereafter, and many understood better how a local labor newspaper could do some good. Labor has been influential paper politically; presented facts on labor issues that other newspapers wouldn't print. Strong labor press a “vital necessity” for discussing and tying together issues.

IMPACT OF MERGER IN KENOSHA
Scope and Content Note: Favorable, especially since UAW rejoined AFL-CIO, important because of growing proportion of work force employed at American Motors Company (formerly Nash). Strong Simmons local would have meant better balance. No teamsters locals left in Kenosha; would have cooperated despite withdrawal of Teamsters from national AFL-CIO.

END OF TAPE 3, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

WSFL MANDATORY RETIREMENT PROVISION IN 1964
Scope and Content Note: While Heidenreich opposed Haberman in 1964, delegates had great sentiment for retaining Haberman because there was no pension plan; speculates Haberman might have been defeated had pension plan been in place. Recalls how Jake Friedrick forced to stay with Federated Trades Council in Milwaukee for many years because FTC had no pension plan. Haberman delayed state AFL-CIO retirement plan because he wanted new headquarters building on Blue Mound Road paid for by the time he retired.

STRENGTH OF JOHN SCHMITT BY 1964
Scope and Content Note: Growing strong, although Haberman found it difficult to concede Schmitt would be new president. State AFL-CIO did much “shopping around” to find successor. Werner Schafer of Milwaukee building trades a logical successor to vice presidency and possible successor to presidency, but after Haberman urged patience, John Giacomo elected vice president. By 1966, Heidenreich as well as Robert Durkin of FLU 19806 (A.O. Smith) and probably Bertram McNamara of USWA all supported Schmitt.

DUTIES AS A REGIONAL ORGANIZER
Scope and Content Note: At first, Wallig responsible for serving fifty-five FLU's, installing officers and settling infights at central labor bodies. Relatively little organizing work; most time spent servicing larger unions, although FLU 19806 at A.0. Smith didn't want any help. At La Crosse in 1955 was involved in particularly difficult five-year contract negotiations with Trane Co. Strike lasting from May to mid-September was not bitter, but difficult and lengthy negotiations held during the period. After merger, more stuff and perhaps more confusion occurred as FLU's were being absorbed by internationals. Gives example of confusion at the Babcock and Wilcox Company. Most frustrating situations occurred when in the midst of helping organization work for one international, another would intrude, and past efforts would all be lost. AFL staff set up organizing structure, but international itself ran campaign. Provides several anecdotes, one about Kiekhaefer Corporation in Cedarburg-Grafton area, whose workforce comprised of many farmers who worked on third shift. Wallig became an expert on finding such workers on their tractors in Random Lake area during campaign run by Gil Brunner and machinists. Another anecdote about battery factory at Wausau which moved to Waco, Texas and went broke. Recalls how he was criticized for encouraging FLU workers there to join IBEW.

WALLIG'S FINAL YEARS AS AFL REPRESENTATIVE
Scope and Content Note: Wallig and a secretary all that were left, answering to a supervisor in Detroit before moving ahead. Bureaucracy frustrating to Wallig in his final years. Secretary retired one month earlier than Wallig, who hoped to take farewell junket around the state, but FLU 19806 went on strike and his services were needed in Milwaukee. On the day he retired there was no fanfare; left with “a little bit of a flat feeling.”

WALLIG'S COMMUNITY ACTIVITIES IN KENOSHA
Scope and Content Note: Involved in industrial development efforts in late 1940's; from 1951 to 1968 served on Kenosha county civil service commission. Describes commission problems with some county board members. Also served on board of zoning appeals.

WORK FOR THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Scope and Content Note: “I liked it!” But in Kenosha today, “the fun is gone, we've got the town locked up, it was more fun when you were fightin' everybody.”

DEVELOPMENT OF ORGANIZED LABOR IN KENOSHA
Scope and Content Note: Years ago, Wallig was young man of the older group which included such individuals as Newton and Olkives. Paul Whiteside now the old man of the younger group. Many of Wallig's union brothers dead or living elsewhere, while Whiteside remains in a position to have close contact with labor movement. [See interview conducted with Paul Whiteside for Wisconsin Labor Oral History Project in 1981.]

KENNEDY-HUMPHREY PRIMARY ELECTION OF 1960
Scope and Content Note: Wallig a Humphrey Democrat because Humphrey could always be counted on to show up during efforts to reorganize Democratic Party. Felt Humphrey deserved to win primary; Wallig at the time not all that enamored with Kennedy. In Kenosha, a group including the president of the Textile Workers Union at Jockey Menswear became staunch Kennedy supporters.

END OF TAPE 4, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

MORE ON KENNEDY-HUMPHREY PRIMARY OF 1960
Scope and Content Note: Kennedy forces came on strong in Kenosha, with many getting caught up in image of Kennedy while forgetting Humphrey's long-term contributions. In Janesville and Beloit, there was heavy sentiment for Kennedy, who ran well-staffed and well-funded campaign. Still is surprised, however, that Kennedy defeated Humphrey in Wisconsin primary.

IMPORTANCE OF ORGANIZED LABOR IN WISCONSIN TO WALLIG PERSONALLY
Scope and Content Note: Feels his personal choice to associate with organized labor was correct; wouldn't have been as happy as manager in business firm. Sorry now that he is cut off from circle of friends due earlier to travel as field representative, and now because Simmons union no longer in existence. Speculates how if merger had not come about, he might have received specialized training from Lane Kirkland on affairs relating to pension, welfare, and insurance.

CONCLUDING REMARKS BY INTERVIEWEE

CONCLUDING REMARKS BY INTERVIEWER

END OF INTERVIEW