INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND
Scope and Content Note: Born in Krakow, Poland on July 24, 1911; came to U.S. with parents before end of that year. Family lived first in New York City, then in Massachusetts where father was a printer near Holbrook.

FAMILY MOVES TO LONG ISLAND
Scope and Content Note: Father envisioned bucolic life on sixteen acres and gave up printing trade to garden and operate horse-drawn milk route.

EISENSCHER FAMILY JOINS WITH OTHERS TO START COOPERATIVE FARM IN NEW JERSEY
Scope and Content Note: Familiar with working class socialist organizations in Poland, father joined sick and death benefit society with small printers and shopkeepers whose membership included both Jews and non-Jews. About forty members pooled resources and bought about forty-five acres of virgin timber land in northern New Jersey, about thirteen miles north of Newark. Family, which lived in Brooklyn, rode streetcar to and from colony on weekends to fell trees and clear land. Recalls peat bog, well as source for fresh water, and home improvements. Father, hoping country air would restore health, and family members worked tirelessly to improve home. Colony “a hotbed of politics” which included socialists, communists ,and vegetarians, hoped “to build a little island of socialism in a forest surrounded by mostly wolves.” Idealism dashed when utility company constructed power lines through colony and divided it. Recalls swimming pool, cultural and educational activities, fire department which father helped to found.

MORRIS LANGER, ONCE COLONY PRESIDENT AND A COMMUNIST, DIES VIOLENT DEATH
Scope and Content Note: Involved in organizing furrier workers, Langer was killed when auto blown up about 1931. Incident helped to shape Eisenscher's politics; up to then disillusioned with politics because of constant factionalism among socialists since World War I and because of father's cynicism about politics. Became apparent that among socialist organizations, the communists were “doing the only real work” in organizing workers.

SIGMUND EISENSCHER'S POST-HIGH SCHOOL ACTIVITIES
Scope and Content Note: Went to state agricultural school at New Brunswick, New Jersey after father insisted he learn how to raise chickens. After a year and a half, came to Madison, Wisconsin to attend UW although he aspired to be a “hot-shot salesman.” In Madison, “life began, so to speak.”

REASON FOR COMING TO MADISON IN AUGUST OF 1934
Scope and Content Note: Acquaintances had informed him of UW's reputation as a “good, liberal university.” Wanted to study chemistry but was nearly broke at a time laboratory fees and books would have cost $145. Got a job selling advertisements for the Daily Cardinal after seeing many students “literally starving” while attending UW. Also, recalled his self-educated father's admonition about there being “no fool like an educated fool.”

EMPLOYED BRIEFLY BY MADISON CAPITAL TIMES
Scope and Content Note: In early 1935 sold advertising in Milwaukee and Madison. Appealed to state industrial commission after the “progressive, liberal” Capital Times refused to pay trip expenses. Recalls conversations in later years with William T. Evjue, reminding him that “you made a communist out of me ... I decided that if the progressives behaved in this fashion they were not progressive enough for me, and I went to look further.”

LEFTIST POLITICS IN MADISON IN MID-1930's
Scope and Content Note: Eisenscher became acquainted with group meeting regularly at home of John R. Commons, where he met E. A. Ross and others. Campus then a “place of great ferment” because of activities of Marxist groups. “I didn't like them very much because they were so arrogant and they could quote verbatim from Marx and I couldn't.” Made to feel stupid by those who weren't such good communists because of their ultra-dogmatism. Eisenscher became involved in efforts to secure federal aid to the unemployed at a time when there were many transients in Madison.

EMPLOYMENT AT MADISON GAS AND ELECTRIC COMPANY
Scope and Content Note: MG&E a bitter enemy of Capital Times; Eisenscher, “dressed up like a bank clerk,” got job selling appliances on the floor for $75 per month plus a small commission. “During the day I was a salesman; at night I was an activist,” though not yet a member of the Communist Party (CP).

END OF TAPE 1, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

MORE ON LEFTIST ACTIVITIES IN MADISON
Scope and Content Note: Eisenscher joined support group for unemployed; joined CP in October or November 1934; of an opinion there were others who should also join.

FIRST ACQUAINTANCE WITH CP LEADERSHIP AND MEMBERS FROM MILWAUKEE IN CONNECTION WITH WASHINGTON, D.C. TRIP
Scope and Content Note: CP very active in behalf of unemployment compensation and social security. In January 1935, unemployed council organized caravan consisting of milk truck and two cars, arriving when conference half over. “Tested” along the way, Eisenscher placed in charge of discipline for the 16-18 people making the trip. Either before or after trip, CP district organizer Eugene Dennis asked Eisenscher to work full time for CP in Milwaukee. Critical time for Party, with leadership desperately needed to “mobilize the people for their own survival.”

ASSIGNMENT IN MILWAUKEE
Scope and Content Note: Brought to Milwaukee because of his persistence, Eisenscher assigned to take charge of the Voice of Labor. Recalls how he resigned from MG&E employment after his photograph on unemployed picket line appeared on front page of Madison newspaper. Roomed in Milwaukee with Farrell Scheering, the alcoholic, womanizing editor of Voice of Labor. Recalls large picket line at Italian consulate after Mussolini attacked Ethiopia during which he was among those arrested for disturbing the peace and jailed for twenty days. Mentions meeting Fred Blair for the first time while interned in Milwaukee County jail.

DIFFERENCE IN POLITICAL CLIMATE IN MADISON AND MILWAUKEE DURING 1930's
Scope and Content Note: University in Madison helped to cushion effects of depression, while situation was much more serious in working class Milwaukee. With a strong socialist tradition, easier to organize unemployed to bring pressure on government institutions. Socialists in office both protagonists and victims. Recalls how he first met Hoan when he escorted Angelo Herndon to meet him. Hoan spent entire discussion tirading against CP, which had earlier announced support for his re-election. “The Socialists hated our guts.”

CONTRIBUTION OF EUGENE DENNIS TO COMMUNIST PARTY IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: “Of all the people in the movement, he stands out in my mind as one of the greatest tacticians the Party has ever had.” Labor movement in Wisconsin had been controlled by the right wing Social Democrats, although some like Meta Berger were on the left, especially after her trip to the Soviet Union after her husband's death. Dennis, Josephine Nordstrand and other left-wing socialists set up the Socialist Roundtable, which challenged the authority of such labor leaders and politicians as Henry Ohl and Dan Hoan. Recalls how Gene and Peggy Dennis often went to relax at Meta Berger's home in Thiensville. Refutes Louis Budenz's fabricated story of how five people met at Berger's to plan the 1941 Allis-Chalmers strike. Berger's place provided gathering place to talk politics and have a couple of beers; gave Gene Dennis a place to relax.

BRIEF INTERRUPTION

YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE (YCL)
Scope and Content Note: While FDR attempted to adapt youth movement methods to the United States from elsewhere, CP attempted to build own youth movement. YCL infiltrated youth conference to push results in different direction than planned for. At a time that YCL in Wisconsin was groping, Dennis in 1935 selected Eisenscher to help organize youth congress movement. State youth congress eventually held at state capitol building. In 1937, national YCL convention held at Milwaukee auditorium. Suggests that YCL movement needs careful study given today's youth who “are in a hell of a fix... “ because Reagan's program for young people is simply draft registration.”

OPPOSITION TO YCL
Scope and Content Note: “Undercurrent of suspicion and opposition from socialists,” though most young socialists sympathized with and joined YCL-sponsored efforts.

END OF TAPE 1, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

EISENSCHER MOVES FROM YCL TO MIDWEST CP NEWSPAPER
Scope and Content Note: Eisenscher assigned as business manager for Wisconsin district newspaper originally edited by Louis Budenz, who had come to CP from A. J. Muste pacifist movement.

EISENSCHER BECOMES “ADMIRAL” OF RICE LAKE, WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Recounts incident in July 1940 at Rice Lake just after July 6 marriage. Nemmy Sparks thought Eisenschers should honeymoon in north, where Sig held anti-war classes in Clark County, then proceeded to Rice Lake at invitation of isolationist farmers. Attacked by mob and dumped into lake after which he went to Ashland area to hold classes with Finnish communists.

FIRST WORK WITH ORGANIZED LABOR MOVEMENT IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Just after return from CP national training school in 1937, Eisenscher got job at Allis-Chalmers. Six-month training school in rural upstate New York taught Marxist-Leninist theory to about sixty students. “Up to that point I had only the haziest notion of what Party theory was,” feeling more comfortable with practice than theory. At A-C, got acquainted with such workers as Harold Christoffel, who “became part of the newly-born labor movement in Wisconsin.” Recalls how young blacks were excluded from skilled trades apprenticeships; after he raised issue at first union meeting he was marked by the union leadership, membership, and the company.

EISENSCHER AS DELEGATE TO DISTRICT AUTO COUNCIL
Scope and Content Note: Recalls attending first council meeting in Racine and listening to Homer Martin rail against “god-damned Communists.”

CP BUILDS WORKER STRENGTH IN ALLIS-CHALMERS PLANT
Scope and Content Note: Party and YCL combined membership at A-C was about one hundred. Eisenscher helped to organize A-C workers, using techniques he had learned in New York training school. Explains difference between Marxism-Leninism and Maoism.

PARTY ORGANIZERS IN OTHER MILWAUKEE INDUSTRIAL PLANTS
Scope and Content Note: Assigned occasionally, but most workers became CP members because of working class experiences in the plant. Image of CP sending “nefarious characters to undermine the workers in the different plants” is slanderous. “For the most part the workers came to us; we didn't come to them.” Workers read CP press, saw communists in action, heard speeches, and learned how communists worked and how they talked. Recalls common saying, “If a guy was worth his salt he was a communist”; recalls also incident where picket line was on one side of a street while he conducted Party classes in tavern on other side.

BRIEF INTERRUPTION AFTER ARRIVAL OF GRACE EISENSCHER

CP PROGRAM FOR LABOR ORGANIZING IN MIDST OF AFL-CIO SPLIT
Scope and Content Note: Party favored industrial organizing after designs of William Z. Foster, who pioneered organizing mass production industries while AFL leadership interested only in organizing skilled trades. Recalls failure of pre-1933 attempts to organize Allis-Chalmers plant until Christoffel, because of his own experiences as a worker, decided that something had to be done. CP supported that effort by mobilizing its small membership to support his efforts. Christoffel and communists developed a working relationship because “he knew they would support what he was trying to do.” Emil Costello was the battler within the WSFL leadership for industrial organizing; became a choice affiliating with Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) or to “knuckle in” to American Federation of Labor (AFL) leader-ship. Chastises Wisconsin socialists who hated communists and feared rank-and-file workers.

WHY WORKERS REMAIN IN AFL FEDERAL LABOR UNIONS INSTEAD OF FAVORING CIO
Scope and Content Note: At a time of confusion and groping “nothing happens mechanically.” A “big vacuum” in the labor movement meant lack of organization until workers readied themselves to fight back, and finally did with assistance of those who understood the nature of the class society in which they lived.

ROLE OF EUGENE DENNIS IN MILWAUKEE
Scope and Content Note: “A master in organizing and in strategy and tactics” in behalf of the united front.

REASON FOR EMIL COSTELLO'S EFFECTIVENESS
Scope and Content Note: “A courageous leader of workers who was inclined to do battle,” who deserved to be elected to leadership, and was bone in throat of labor reactionaries. Party recognized his abilities and principles and “we helped to support him” in labor battles and in running for the legislature.

EFFECTIVENESS OF MEYER ADELMAN
Scope and Content Note: Came out of “rough-and-tumble restaurant trades” which involved organizing risks. Recruited by Steel Workers Organizing Committee (SWOC). Much different style than a Christoffel or Costello, but all had in common playing a “pivotal role when their services were absolutely necessary.” Eisenscher's sister was Adelman's secretary for a time.

END OF TAPE 2, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

ANECDOTE ABOUT VISITING MEYER ADELMAN IN JAIL AT WAUKEGAN, ILLINOIS
Scope and Content Note: Found Adelman, in jail probably after Fansteel strike, seated on courthouse lawn with jailors providing him all comforts of home. Adelman principled for the most part, although CP not in agreement with everything he did. Overall, Adelman played a “very positive role in the labor movement.”

COMMUNIST PARTY INFLUENCE IN INDUSTRIAL PLANTS IN WISCONSIN
Scope and Content Note: Most influential at Allis-Chalmers in Milwaukee where close to one hundred members worked which was “large amount for Communists in any plant ...” No need for Allis-Chalmers president to have been alarmed by communist takeover; his chief concern was that worker militancy would cost the company money. “Profit, that's the name of the game.” Notes that Max Babb, an America First member, hypocritically accused Christoffel in 1941 of betraying the war effort.

CP SUPPORT OF 1941 ALLIS-CHALMERS STRIKE
Scope and Content Note: Charge that Party supported strike because of Stalin-Hitler pact is “a lot of bullshit.” CP pressed demands in behalf of workers but strike needed only to achieve demands. A-C management neglected to make concessions because it was “out to wreck the union, that's all there is to it.”

INFLUENCE OF HERMAN SCHENDEL ON LOCAL 248 EDUCATION PROGRAM
Scope and Content Note: Schendel, a left-wing socialist, wrote book Why Work for Nothing?, a popular rendition of Marxist theory of capitalist exploitation, and was a major influence on union's education program.

FLYING SQUADRON AND FIGHT AGAINST GERMAN BUND
Scope and Content Note: Organization to support labor struggles, not to solve arguments on other levels. Bund affiliated with Federation of German-American Societies. CP very active in organizing anti-fascist groups before and during World War II, seeing Nazi program a threat to divide the working class along racial lines. Recalls YCL boycott efforts against tryouts for 1936 Olympics at Marquette Stadium, and during Six Day Bicycle Races at Milwaukee at which Germans participated. At latter event, flag with swastika provoked a well-dressed Eisenscher to lead several young men to seize flag and flush it into toilet. Another banner cut down to fall on track; it was typical of “what we were doing in those days.” During Bund rally at Milwaukee auditorium, Christoffel organized 6,000 trade unionists to surround auditorium. Eisenscher, Leslie Roth (Christoffel's brother-in-law), Christoffel, and others bought tickets, entered meeting, rushed stage to interrupt haranguing Bund speaker, were arrested and jailed. Mentions incident with special satisfaction in light of differences he has currently with ACLU defense of Nazi rights. Such incidents as auditorium meeting played important part in Federation of German-American Societies expelling Bund before start of World War II.

CP AIDS STRUGGLES IN INDUSTRIAL PLANTS
Scope and Content Note: Party members consistently aided workers in seeking gains at expense of employers; “that's why we grew.” Red baiting, used by employers to retaliate, came to a head with a formula used against Local 248.

“JOHN SENTINEL” SERIES IN MILWAUKEE SENTINEL
Scope and Content Note: Many individuals involved in preparing the series, including employers and the FBI. Plot conceived and orchestrated by U.S. government. Right-wing socialists, who “hated our guts,” also involved, Louis Budens, an instrument of the government, became a stool-pigeon. Discusses how egotism, corruption, and blackmail result in people becoming stoolies. “John Sentinel” series was published because employers felt labor movement could be broken if CP was broken. “They were right.” In the process employers used the Party as bludgeon to attack rest of labor movement and to attack many non-communists. Sentinel series “was unprecedented and unequalled later.” Formula for breaking A-C union was adopted by other employers around the country. Mentions signatures of A-C workers on Eisenscher's nomination papers when he ran for governor because of their high regard for Eisenscher and CP. Represented a challenge to the “ruling class of Wisconsin.” Lawsuit against Sentinel by Eisenscher or party out of the question. Blacklist of ninety-one discharged A-C workers substantiated when A-C printed 20,000 copies of document entered as exhibit in 1947 before House Education and Labor Committee hearings, copy of which was donated by Eisenscher to Historical Society.

END OF TAPE 2, SIDE 2

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

CHRISTOFFEL'S IN ARMY WHEN SENTINEL SERIES APPEARS
Scope and Content Note: Series would have been published regardless. Christoffel occupied central place in Wisconsin labor movement, “among a few of the most effective labor leaders there were.” Employer formula eventually resulted in Christoffel being imprisoned.

EDMUND BOBROWICZ CAMPAIGN AS DEMOCRAT FOR CONGRESS IN MILWAUKEE
Scope and Content Note: Part of post-war pattern of events. Democrats only a “shadow” up to end of World War II. In 1946, when Robert M. La Follette, Jr. made decision to return to Republican Party, a wave of disgust swept through many old supporters. CP joined Capital Times' William Evjue in criticising La Follette's decision. Long after La Follette loss to McCarthy in 1946 primary, Evjue was guilty of “political cannibalism” by blaming La Follette's defeat on Communist-influenced CIO voters/workers. Democratic Party became vitalized when old socialists joined; to run as a progressive in 1946 one must run as Democrat or Communist. Bobrowicz, organizer for fur and leather workers, good, young, and presentable. His victory in primary created panic among right-wing Democrats and ex-socialists, with pressure from Harry Truman to disown Bobrowicz. Election “stolen” from Bobrowicz, who led by several thousand votes until Wauwatosa tally arrived.

EISENSCHER CAMPAIGN FOR GOVERNOR IN 1946
Scope and Content Note: Biggest issue was industrial conversion from wartime to peace, and to improve living conditions for workers. Issue of racism uppermost because seniority system resulted in blacks losing jobs and rise in anti-black groups. Blacks also lacked housing at a time of increased migration from South. “I was speaking in behalf of the movement, and this was a policy of the Party.”

EISENSCHER CAMPAIGN FOR MAYOR OF MILWAUKEE IN 1948 INCLUDES TELEVISION DEBATE
Scope and Content Note: “A delightful experience.” Has been told he was the first communist in U.S. to appear as candidate on television, at a time there were about 1300 TV sets in Milwaukee County and WTMJ was the only television broadcasting station. All fifteen primary candidates appeared in League of Women Voters sponsored program which included Frank Zeidler, Henry Reuss, and Henry Maier. Racism and housing even more pressing by 1948 because of influx of and discrimination against black workers. Many blacks were returned veterans who believed they deserved better.

HENRY WALLACE CAMPAIGN OF 1948
Scope and Content Note: Eisenscher sympathetic, tried to use influence to support Wallace “because Harry Truman ... had betrayed all of the things that Roosevelt was talking about--a postwar future of peaceful co-existence.” Wallace, “by no means a communist,” felt Truman's Cold War policy was disastrous.

WALTER REUTHER EMBRACES, THEN REJECTS COMMUNIST PARTY
Scope and Content Note: From early on, Reuther and CP cooperated to dump UAW president Homer Martin. Recalls how Gene Dennis and one of the Reuthers met in Eisenscher's apartment during 1937 convention in Milwaukee. But Reuther, “being a Social Democrat...[later] dispensed with our services as fast as he could.”

EXTENT OF CP INFLUENCE IN LOCAL 248 AND STATE AND COUNTY INDUSTRIAL UNION COUNCILS
Scope and Content Note: Had CP dominated those organizations by the end of the 1930's, “then the Communist Party was not behaving as it should have because this [domination] was not our role.” CP never intended “to make the Party policy a test of leadership in the labor movement. What we sought was a coalition with a program which most workers could support.” CP members earned leadership positions, but others didn't want them to get what they earned.

RIGHT-WING INFLUENCE IN LOCAL 248 AND STATE AND COUNTY INDUSTRIAL UNION COUNCILS BEGINNING IN 1946-47
Scope and Content Note: Names a few workers he recalls. New Local 248 leadership largely made up of those with anti-communist prejudices. Climate of the times meant that “the Party forces were ousted, the best elements in the union were kicked out, and the Christoffel forces had been defeated” by company cooperation with the government and the socialists. Recalls new CIO leadership in dilemma over how to fight in behalf of workers; they had “to produce in order to rebuild the union.” Recalls meeting with Ralph Koenig of UAW to explain that CP would applaud any efforts in behalf of workers. Koenig “not a bad guy,” but he and others simply reflected their prejudices. Local 248 new leaders ended up with same problems with A-C management that Christoffel had.

END OF TAPE 3, SIDE 1

INTERVIEWER'S INTRODUCTION

LOCAL 248 AND CIO IN WISCONSIN RED-BAITED, BUT OLD PROBLEMS REMAINED AFTER THE PURGE

CONTRIBUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY TO THE WISCONSIN LABOR MOVEMENT
Scope and Content Note: Gave the labor movement its mission and strategy for success. CP unique in understanding class nature of society; “if you don't understand the class nature of our society, you are very weak in confronting the employer class.”

MEANING OF CP ACTIVITY FOR AVERAGE WORKER IN 1930's AND 1940's
Scope and Content Note: Party admired by many workers even though they didn't realize it provided source of direction. Party had “tremendous prestige” among rank-and-file. Recalls planning May Day celebrations after socialists rejected all suggestions for united parade. In 1936, Socialist Party and labor constituency organized parade; CP and friends followed behind, greater in number and far more colorful than rest of participants.

GREATEST DISAPPOINTMENT IN WORKING WITH WISCONSIN LABOR MOVEMENT
Scope and Content Note: Tragic disappointments suffered because of red-baiting. When Eisenscher joined CP, he felt socialism would occur in several years. Now known that emergence of socialism in U.S. will take awhile, even though current economic conditions in the country are “overripe” for it.

HOW TO RESTORE VITALITY OF 1930's
Scope and Content Note: Recalls recent discussion in Milwaukee in aftermath of Solidarity Day rally in Washington, D.C., during which Eisenscher stated, “This is where I came in.” So many opportunities in the 1930's that the CP “didn't know where to begin,” but Party met challenge and “I think, had a decided effect on the development of the American labor movement and the struggle against racism, the struggle for peace....” Severely affected by repression led by “captive media” in U.S., CP today must earn respect of working people, the same as in 1935.

IMPACT OF 1940's PURGE ON SOME OF MOST EFFECTIVE LABOR LEADERS/ORGANIZERS
Scope and Content Note: Many people's lives destroyed from attacks they were not prepared to cope with. Good people left the movement, including many fine workers.

NEED FOR CONTEMPORARY MASS MOVEMENT
Scope and Content Note: Working people must unite to fight Reagan policy and develop independent political force, not necessarily led by CP. Key work around the world as well as in U.S. is survival. U.S. has “most backward political system in the world of all the industrial nations,” with no labor party in U.S. to represent interests of the working class.

WHAT EISENSCHER LEARNED IN ARMY ABOUT MEANING OF BEING A GOOD COMMUNIST
Scope and Content Note: German CP very heroic during Hitler period. In Germany at end of war, Eisenscher witnessed first-hand how German CP members had sustained themselves and the anti-fascist movement even among horrors of concentration camp. Party members the only post-war force capable of renewing Germany and re-educating the German people.

CONCLUDING REMARKS BY INTERVIEWEE
Scope and Content Note: CP made mistakes, especially in going underground as negative response to analysis of future that fascism was around the corner. A step backward, as was the Browder period. Party, however, will proceed, no doubt will make more mistakes, but will continue to fight for rights of working people.

END OF INTERVIEW