July 18, 1977 Session

Introduction

Boyhood of Sol Stetin
Scope and Content Note: Born in Poland. Father, formerly a peddler, spent six months in London learning the tailoring business because there was no work in Poland.

Arrival and Early Years in the United States
Scope and Content Note: Arrived at Ellis Island, January 21, 1921 at the age of ten. An uncle living in Paterson, New Jersey, arranged for Stetin family to immigrate to Paterson. Assimilated easily - sports, English language, etc. Lived in ethnically mixed neighborhood. Finished one term of high school. Married March 1934.

Employment Prior to Entering the Textile Industry
Scope and Content Note: Ambitious, entrepreneurial type - sold newspapers, worked in a department store, was an amateur boxer, was a golf caddy. Made $50-$60 a week with newspaper agency.

Began Work in the Textile Industry - 1932 Strike
Scope and Content Note: About 1930 or 1931, got a job in the International Dye and Print Works in Paterson, New Jersey, intending to become a salesman. Worked in the shipping room. 1932 strike: At first, did not go out on strike, but was soon convinced to join the strikers and ended up on the committee to help settle that strike. There was no union involved; strike successful.

Further Involvement in Union Work - 1933 Strike
Scope and Content Note: September 1933, met Jack Rubenstein, who convinced Stetin that unions were a good thing. Stetin resisted cousin's effort to get him involved in Communist-dominated National Textile Workers Union, and chose instead to follow Rubenstein and the United Textile Workers (UTW-AFL). Became chairman of the strike committee for his shop; strike was for union recognition.

Joseph Yannarelli and Italians in the Dyeing Industry

Digression into Explanation of His Successful Newspaper Agency Business

Anecdote about Jewish Boss
Scope and Content Note: Impact of boss' claim that Stetin, as a Jew, should be on side of management during strike.

Activities and Politics in the Local Union (Dyers Local 1733)
Scope and Content Note: Put out shop paper. First campaign for local union office. Educational committee; school for workers.

Introduction

Formation of the Federation of Dyers, Finishers, Printers and Bleachers of America
Scope and Content Note: Stetin became an Executive Board member representing his local (the largest local in the Federation), in spite of the issue of his citizenship. Became a volunteer organizer for the Federation in the spring of 1935, after losing election as secretary-treasurer of the Federation.

Anecdote about Birth of First Child in 1934
Scope and Content Note: Born three days after conclusion of seven-week strike. Stetin couldn't afford to pay hospital bill.

The Great Textile Strike of 1934
Scope and Content Note: Despite his plea to join strike of cotton workers, Stetin's local waited until its contract expired several weeks later. [Stetin cites October 1 as the beginning date for the 1934 General Textile Strike; it actually started in early September. The Dyers' strike began in late October.] Failure of general strike did not hurt Dyers.

Stetin Participated in Union Decision to Back a Mayoral Candidate on a Third Party Ticket in Paterson

Stetin Resigned as Union Organizer for One Year
Scope and Content Note: In 1935, he resigned because of his wife's unhappiness with his extended absences from home (usually in New England), and because of friction within the local union and the Federation. Decided it was best to leave the union, and sought position as salesman with old employer; this used against him later. In late summer, 1936, Stetin went back to work with the Dyers Federation, again as an organizer.

Stetin's Views on the Labor Movement and Labor Leaders
Scope and Content Note: Originally entered the movement because it was an exciting and active way of life. Only after he was a part of the movement did he begin to feel the needs of the working class. Feels labor movement does more for labor leaders than vice versa. Proud of his honorary doctorate.

Formation of the Textile Workers Organizing Committee (TWOC)

1934 and 1936 Opposition Slates at the UTW Conventions
Scope and Content Note: Backed by Hosiery and Dyers Federations. Not followed through in 1934 because of 11th hour change of heart by Hosiery Federation.

Unanimous UTW Support for the Formation of TWOC

Politics Regarding the Top Positions within TWOC
Scope and Content Note: Frank Gorman's ineligibility because of involvement in radical politics.

March 13, 1978 Session

Introduction

More on Stetin's Resignation in 1935 as Union Organizer
Scope and Content Note: Friction between Local 1733 and the Federation made it difficult for Stetin to find work in a dyeing plant; local union leaders unsuccessfully attempted to oust him. He resumed work as an organizer with the Dyers Federation about the time of the second UTW convention.

Violent Strike in Derby, Connecticut, 1936
Scope and Content Note: Stetin jailed, along with four other strikers, for retaliatory thugging. Federation could send no bail money, but one of the strikers carried enough money for bail. On another occasion Stetin jailed overnight, tried, and finally freed for a beating he was not involved in. Examples of employer-sponsored violent acts used to discredit the Union. Willard Uphaus and the Religion and Labor Foundation finally helped settle the strike.

Anecdote Regarding Stetin's Second Jailing; Made Embarrassing Reference to It Twenty Years Later

Strike in West Warwick, Rhode Island, 1937
Scope and Content Note: Sister plant to the one Stetin worked for in Paterson. Owner used Stetin re-employment letter against him (See 1:2, 11:55). Stetin jailed again; union headquarters across from jail, and strikers fed him very well.

Formation of TWOC
Scope and Content Note: All Dyers organizers assigned to work under Hillman, with paychecks coming from TWOC.

What TWOC Meant to Members of UTW
Scope and Content Note: Dyers and Hosiery Federations felt that ultimately a bigger UTW would result from TWOC.

Formation of TWOC Did Not Receive Unanimous Support from All UTW Members, Particularly the Crafts

Introduction

Jack Rubenstein's Letter to Frank Gorman after 1934 Strike, Criticizing Conduct of the Strike

Stetin Requested Transfer to New Jersey to Work with Carl Holderman
Scope and Content Note: Request made of Hillman in Spring, 1937; reply came from Sol Barkin in the affirmative, with proviso that Stetin maintain loyalty to TWOC. Stetin transferred first to New York for several weeks.

Anecdote Regarding Strike on Coney Island, Summer

Began TWOC Work in New Jersey in August, 1937
Scope and Content Note: Worked in New Jersey until November, 1943.

More on Strikes in Rhode Island, 1937, Including One Loss
Scope and Content Note: Sit-down strikes in West Warwick.

TWOC Organizers
Scope and Content Note: 650 figure inflated. Amalgamated Clothing Workers (ACW) contributed much.

Early Successes of TWOC
Scope and Content Note: Stetin sees it as a period of an “industrial revolution.” Conditions were much better for organizing in 1937 than they had been in 1934. There was a functioning committee and sufficient funds.

TWOC/TWUA Use of Government Agencies in Organizing
Scope and Content Note: Leadership felt it was the best approach, due to the past history of strikes in textiles.

Weaknesses of TWOC
Scope and Content Note: Became an institution too fast; ambitious leadership pushed for a constitutional organization which led to the immediate introduction of politics into textile unionism. Organizing the unorganized is not and can not be a democratic process.

Politics at the 1939 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Carl Holderman a good case in point. One of the outstanding tacticians in American labor movement; interested in being an officer of the Union.

If TWOC Had Existed for a Longer Period of Time, Many More Textile Workers Would Have Been Organized

Frank Gorman's Leftist Politics Eliminated Him from Top TWOC Leadership Post; a Good Man Though

Thomas McMahon Also an Able Man

Membership of TWOC/TWUA in 1939
Scope and Content Note: Approximately 230,OO0 at 1939 convention.

Collecting Per Caps in the Early Days
Scope and Content Note: ACW helped set up dues system, and there was an unusual record of full payments. Many open shops, however.

Belief, at 1939 Convention, in Complete Organization of the Industry

Why William Pollock Chosen at 1939 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Fact that Philadelphia was a big textile area with 10,000 plus members.

Why TWUA Able to Get So Many Good Staff People
Scope and Content Note: The struggle for the South; both Rieve and Baldanzi brought people from their Federations; social consciousness; the drama of strikes and violence - young people wanted to be where the action was.

Anecdote Concerning 1913 Silk Strike and Stetin's Father

Structure of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Local unions and joint boards set up along the lines of ACW, though ACW had more control over locals and joint boards because of master agreements. Regional offices required in TWUA because of localized conditions. Combination of ACW, Baldanzi, Rieve, Hillman, Dubinsky, Zimmerman, the Mine Workers - all played roles in first getting it started.

Introduction

Stetin's First Official Position with TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Business agent and organizer for the New Jersey Joint Board, beginning in August, 1937. Holderman was manager and state director. Lived in Camden.

Anecdote Concerning Creation of and Stetin's Becoming Manager of the South Jersey Joint Board in 1940
Scope and Content Note: Stetin insisted on clearing it with Holderman. Office in Camden. Peak of about 3500 dues-paying members.

Stetin More Closely Identified with New Jersey State Directorship Than with Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Working for TWOC presented broader opportunities than just working within Dyers locals. Also, Joe Knapik, with whom Stetin had disagreements, had become president of the Dyers. When Stetin became a member of the Executive Council in 1944, replacing Holderman, he was not thought of as another representative of the Dyers Federation.

Stetin Succeeded Holderman as New Jersey State Director in 1943
Scope and Content Note: Holderman resigned because of his differences with Rieve. Activities as State Director included coordinating the locals and joint boards and directing the organizing within New Jersey.

TWUA Constitution and the International Union
Scope and Content Note: International Union needed more authority; too much freedom had been granted to each area, which resulted in politicking.

Authority of the International Union Vs. Local Autonomy
Scope and Content Note: Despite this authority, there was considerable local autonomy, particularly in the stronger divisions of the Union.

Joint Boards Paying Their Own Way
Scope and Content Note: There was no significant amount of friction between those joint boards who paid their own manager and those whose managers were paid by the International. During 1950-52 fight, source of paycheck (Local or International) was not a factor in how people lined up. Joint Board manager on International payroll could play local off against International (and vice versa) to get his own way.

Sidney Hillman after the Formation of TWUA Retained Little Influence

In 1940 TWUA Contracts Improved, But There Were Many Lost Opportunities, Especially Concerning Organizing

Again Reiterates That TWUA Became a Political Institution Too Fast

John L. Lewis' Departure from Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO)
Scope and Content Note: The general sentiment was that Lewis was mistaken. There was much ill feeling toward him afterward.

People Began Maneuvering for Positions within the Union after the War

Few Changes in the Industry Had an Effect on TWUA; Political Environment after the War Did Affect TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Union kept growing, until the end of the war and Taft-Hartley. After that, the Union and the general labor movement declined in popularity, both with its members and with the public. Employers' offensive, union malpractices, Lewis' defiance of the government, all contributed to this decline in favor.

Causes of the Weakening of the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: The media tranquilized the workers into believing the worst about the working class and labor unions. Industry was shifting to anti-union areas, and Taft-Hartley gave management the legal backing to fight unionism.

Introduction

World War II Helped Low-Wage Industries Like Textiles
Scope and Content Note: TWUA leaders active in War Labor Board (WLB) and this a crucial factor in closing the wage gap and making TWUA a leader in fringe benefits.

Rieve Wanted to Avoid Strikes Whenever Possible

With WLB Machinery, Labor's Job Was Made Easier

Organizing in the Wartime Period
Scope and Content Note: A lost opportunity. Situation could have been different if TWOC had continued through the war.

Complete Organization of Textiles
Scope and Content Note: It was never expressed that complete organization of the industry might not be possible.

Hosiery Federation and TWUA
Scope and Content Note: The raise in per caps was a real issue, not just an excuse. Rieve did not want to take them on. After the break, neither the Federation nor TWUA organized hosiery workers, the industry shifted South, and the hosiery division lost many members. Hosiery workers went from highest paid to lowest paid textile workers.

Votes on Executive Council in Favor of Hosiery Federation's Request for Separate Charter from CIO

Rieve Did Not Wish to Fight with Hosiery People after They Left TWUA and Thus Made No Effort to Organize Hosiery Workers

Return of Hosiery Workers to TWUA in 1965

Dyers Federation Resented the Fact That Hosiery Federation Was Permitted to Go Its Own Way

Dissolution of Dyers Federation
Scope and Content Note: Problems developed between the leaderships of the Federation and the International Union; Baldanzi's constant interference with the Federation caused much friction with the Federation leadership. At one point, Baldanzi ran for president of the Dyers against Knapik and was defeated by one vote. Mariano Bishop, a Dyer from Fall River, helped defeat him.

Certain Unethical Practices Were Occurring within the Dyers, on the Federation Level

Stetin's Split with Baldanzi in 1950-1952 Fight Was Based on Unethical Practices

Opposition to Dissolution of Dyers
Scope and Content Note: There was considerable opposition, but not enough to pull out as the Hosiery Federation had done.

Suit Concerning Dyers Treasury
Scope and Content Note: Certain commitments were made by the leadership regarding financial contributions to Dyers locals which were not lived up to.

Payne as Director of Dyers Division
Scope and Content Note: Political decision by Rieve to allow him some influence within the Dyers. Dyers were consulted; Rieve was very persuasive.

Rash of Appeals to the International Union by Northern New Jersey Dyers in Late 1940s
Scope and Content Note: Outgrowth of the friction within the Dyers Federation.

Dyers Federation Led the Industry in Fringe Benefits
Scope and Content Note: Militancy won them excellent fringe benefits, better wages, and lighter workloads (by resisting new technology), but all of this also had a detrimental effect because the industry for the most part moved out of the metropolitan area. Leadership was not strong enough to realize that too much militancy in the matter of resisting technology would drive the industry out.

Introduction

Peculiar Problems and Characteristics of the Dyeing Industry
Scope and Content Note: Dyers have dirty, grimy jobs because of the use of chemicals, dyestuffs, etc.; dye factory conditions generally more difficult. Many foreign-born workers in the dyeing industry; especially Italians, many of whom had experience with trade unionism in Italy and many of them were anarchists. Ethnic homogeneity made organizing easier for the Dyers.

Sentiment in TWUA for a Labor Party
Scope and Content Note: Independent political action never progressed very far, although there were some attempts. In Paterson, 1935, Stetin's local supported a mayoral candidate on a third party ticket. Stetin always interested in independent political action.

Labor's Nonpartisan League and the Political Action Committee
Scope and Content Note: Nonpartisan League very active in Paterson; units in every ward. Almost destroyed in 1940 by John L. Lewis endorsement of Wendell Wilkie; Lewis an “egomaniac.” Political Action Committee formed because of feeling that labor and liberal elements had suffered a defeat in 1942 elections.

Anecdote Concerning 1943 TWUA Convention
Scope and Content Note: Stetin wanted to support Roosevelt on a third party ticket; Rieve took the floor to oppose Stetin's suggestion. There was not much support for Stetin's idea in the convention.

Even If Truman Had Lost in 1948, There Was Not Enough Sentiment within the CIO to Start Up a Labor Party

Differences of Opinion Between the Political Action Committee of the TWUA and That of the CIO
Scope and Content Note: One difference could have been over the tariff issue.

TWUA Role in Expelling Communists from the CIO
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi was not a leader in this regard, he merely followed the line that Murray decided upon.

Taft-Hartley and Its Provision for Anti-Communist Affidavits
Scope and Content Note: TWUA was willing to go along with this, as Communists had always been an irritant within the textile industry.

Stetin's Opinion of CIO Communist Purge
Scope and Content Note: Expulsion was unfortunate because the Communist issue had kept the labor movement alive; there had been a type of competition between Communists and non-Communists, which was healthy.

Expulsion of Unions for Corruption and Communism
Scope and Content Note: In retrospect, Stetin feels the entire union should not have been expelled, only the bad elements within the union. It was courageous, however, to get rid of all that income.

Appeal of Charges by Two Communists from Paterson at 1948 TWUA Convention
Scope and Content Note: They were from Stetin's local union, where they had been creating problems for the local; meetings were very long, as they argued every issue.

Changes in the TWUA Constitution at 1948 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Requirement that the International office must approve a strike or a boycott; passed supposedly to protect the Union under Taft-Hartley. From 1962 to the present the International never disapproved a strike which the local people had approved. Opposition to these changes was insignificant.

The Impact of Taft-Hartley and Other Causes for the Decline of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Right-to-work laws weakened the Union, especially in the South. Taft-Hartley, and the growing power and influence of big business, were major causes for the decline in membership. The four horsemen: automation, importation, liquidation, and migration were major factors contributing to the weakening of TWUA and the labor movement.

Position of TWUA within the CIO by the Late 1940s
Scope and Content Note: Very significant; Rieve was a vice president and was highly regarded by labor and political leaders.

Consideration of Rieve to Succeed Murray as CIO President

Decision Making on Allocation of TWUA Resources
Scope and Content Note: Top officers would initiate a program which the Executive Council approved; but often Union administration was carried on by the President, who merely reported his actions to the Executive Council.

By Late 1940s TWUA Losing Big NLRB Elections and Winning Small Ones
Scope and Content Note: Big employers had more money to spend to defeat TWUA.

Wisconsin Representation at TWUA Conventions
Scope and Content Note: Between 1939 and 1948 representation dropped from 30 to 7 delegates; this due to the hosiery industry's sharp decline.

March 14, 1978 Session

Introduction

Baldanzi Attempt to Oust Southern Regional Director Roy Lawrence in 1948
Scope and Content Note: Tried to enlist Stetin's support and to get Stetin to move to North Carolina, but Rieve opposed the plan and Stetin deferred to Rieve's judgment since Rieve was the top man.

August, 1948, Stetin Took Over Pennsylvania
Scope and Content Note: This to make room for Charles Serraino, as New Jersey Director. Continued handling the organizing of New Jersey as well as taking over the administration and organization of Pennsylvania.

Operation Dixie
Scope and Content Note: With the schism within TWUA, the organizing drive was not as wholehearted as in past organizing efforts.

Problems Were Created by Baldanzi's Relationships with Various Employers in Paterson Area
Scope and Content Note: Militant in some areas but conservative in others.

Baldanzi's Involvement in Affairs of Passaic Joint Board, 1948
Scope and Content Note: Friction was developing over this; Stetin was director and Serraino was manager. This involvement ultimately led to the incident of the southern regional directorship, and to Serraino and Stetin taking over New Jersey and Pennsylvania respectively.

Baldanzi's Involvement in Affairs of TWUA in General
Scope and Content Note: Became obvious to many people that Baldanzi was injecting himself too much into the Union's internal affairs in various areas and bypassing Regional Directors. He was undermining Rieve's position and building a base of support in Passaic instead of helping make a breakthrough in the South.

Baldanzi's Unethical Practices Caused Stetin to Turn Away from Him
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi asked for investigation of a TWUA official (Joe Knapik); then reversed himself when the investigation was mounted. Stetin became suspicious and began to investigate. Stetin feels this led to his transfer from New Jersey. Baldanzi was encouraging employers to do business with his brothers.

Anecdote Concerning Stetin and Favoritism

TWUA and Business Favoritism
Scope and Content Note: On Stetin's instigation Executive Council informs employers it does not encourage their advertising in Union newspapers. TWUA adopted an Ethical Practices Code long before the AFL-CIO.

Stetin's Personal Decision on Rieve/Baldanzi Issue
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi's interference in the proper administration of TWUA, the intrigue it caused, and Stetin's personal morals and ethics all played roles in his decision to support Rieve. Stetin did not discuss with other Union members his opinion of Baldanzi's ethics.

Baldanzi's Public Statements and His Private Actions Were Not Always Synonymous

Basic Cause of the Split in the Union
Scope and Content Note: Personal political ambition was a factor and Baldanzi was able to motivate many young intellectuals within the Union, who saw him as a crusader, and saw Rieve as crusty and crude.

Anecdote Concerning a Delegate Mimicking Rieve at a Meeting

Anecdote Concerning Rieve, Stetin, and the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), and Rieve's Use of Psychology
Scope and Content Note: Both Stetin and Rieve were active in ADA. Rieve supported Dwight Eisenhower as Democratic presidential candidate; and Stetin, in Philadelphia, was opposing Ike as Democratic presidential candidate. Rieve used the incident as an excuse to invite Stetin into New York and to discuss a wide variety of issues informally and leisurely.

Introduction

More on the Basic Cause of the Split
Scope and Content Note: No philosophical or ideological issues separated the two sides. Baldanzi wanted to be more influential within the Union; and, though he did not want to take Rieve's job, he did not like Rieve making all the decisions. The resulting politics interfered greatly with the main job of the Union - organizing the unorganized.

Beginnings of the Split - Prior to 1948
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi opposed a health insurance plan for New Bedford, which thwarted the plan and kept this type of plan out of the TWUA for a decade. [Apparently Stetin is here referring to Baldanzi's opposition to attempts to set up a jointly-sponsored TWUA-employer group health plan, because the 1943 New Bedford contract (as well as many other TWUA contracts at the time) did provide health insurance. It was not until the late 1950s, however, that the TWUA Welfare Fund was created.] Baldanzi would discuss with Stetin minor criticisms of Rieve.

The Fight Could Have Been Avoided
Scope and Content Note: Rieve was pressured by some of the people in New England who were themselves very ambitious, particularly Mariano Bishop.

Why Bishop Was Chosen to Run Against Baldanzi in 1950
Scope and Content Note: He represented many powerful groups in New England; he had begun to spend more time in the South as Cotton-Rayon Director. Stetin questioned Bishop's right to move up.

Herb Payne Was Stetin's Choice to Run Against Baldanzi
Scope and Content Note: Payne, it turns out, was too ill. Example of Payne's abilities and style.

Baldanzi Second Guessed the Settlements within the Synthetic Fibers Industry
Scope and Content Note: Caused much friction within the organization.

More on the Basic Cause of the Split
Scope and Content Note: During Rieve's involvement with the WLB, authority was not given over to Baldanzi. Rieve continued to make all policy decisions with Payne acting as Rieve's chief lieutenant.

Baldanzi and Operation Dixie
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi did select some people for the southern drive based on their allegiance.

Rieve's 1949 Experiment with Special Assistants
Scope and Content Note: Bishop's appointment in charge of several southern states was an obvious political move.

Baldanzi's Oratorical Abilities
Scope and Content Note: Union's rank and file liked him - he sounded like a crusader and they were very impressed with it. This oratory did not carry over into the Executive Council meetings.

TWUA Leaders Who Sided with Baldanzi Genuinely Believed Rieve Was Being Unfair in Attempting to Push Him Out

Isadore Katz
Scope and Content Note: He wanted to be more than just the general counsel to TWUA; he wanted to have his own law firm; and Rieve would have none of it. By 1952, Katz felt there was an opportunity with Baldanzi for more power and more money.

Other Issues That Contributed to the Split
Scope and Content Note: The issues of geography and democracy were good for Baldanzi but bad for the Union.

Baldanzi Planted Democracy of the Union as an Issue
Scope and Content Note: Stetin thinks the Union was democratic.

Who Lined Up with Whom
Scope and Content Note: Personalities motivated many people; it was not sociological, philosophical, ideological issues that caused people to line up behind either Rieve or Baldanzi. Some people did choose Baldanzi because they saw Rieve as a dictator.

The Bulk of the Dyers Backed Baldanzi

1950 Convention and the Amendments to the Constitution
Scope and Content Note: They were not genuine proposals and none passed; they were purely political.

Introduction

1950 Convention and the Amendments to the Constitution (Continued)
Scope and Content Note: One of Baldanzi's amendments would have given members the right to disapprove regional directors appointed by the national office. This presented an appearance of democracy but in reality it was a way to get rid of Roy Lawrence. Stetin feels this would have hindered the effort to organize the unorganized, because organizing is not a democratic process.

Local 6, Lewistown, Pennsylvania, TWUA'S Maverick Local
Scope and Content Note: A big synthetic local which supported Baldanzi.

Stetin Does Not See Geographic Jealousy or the 1949 Textile Economic Slowdown as Factors in the Fight

Failure to Defeat Baldanzi at the 1950 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Rieve group thought, before the convention, that they would win; but they misjudged the attitude of the union members and underestimated the difficulty of defeating an incumbent. Rieve did not view this as a rebuke by the membership.

Harold Daoust
Scope and Content Note: A hard-working, sincere, competent person who was devoted to the Union and to Bishop.

In Retrospect, Stetin Views June, 1951, Purge of Staff Members and Sam Baron's Dismissal as Unfortunate and Unnecessary

After the 1950 Convention Baldanzi and His Supporters Felt They Had to Take the Offensive; the Convention Had Given Them a Feeling of Power and Influence

Sam Baron Not Necessarily a Baldanzi Man from the Start

Stetin Had Distinct Feeling That the Baldanzi Situation Would Come to a Head Again at the 1952 Convention

Post-Convention Structure Committee of the Executive Council

1952 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi supporters felt they had to make the run for the presidency, that the situation had to come to a head; one or the other had to be elected undisputed leader of the Union. Baldanzi people raised issue of financial malfeasance, but they were just grasping at straws, since Pollock was “as honest as they come.” Creation of new locals at Fall River in preparation for the convention was unnecessary and probably played into Baldanzi's hands by giving him another issue.

Rieve Saw Bishop as His Successor after the 1952 Convention

Rieve's Suggestion of an Executive Committee of the Executive Council, Made at the First Meeting after 1952 Convention
Scope and Content Note: It was a way of involving the Executive Council in policy making, since between 1948 and 1952 Baldanzi had contended that the department heads were running the Union and not the Executive Council.

Ushers at the 1952 Convention and their “Reward”

The Secession Movement
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi convinced his supporters that they could change the structure of the UTW.

Once Baldanzi Reached the Leadership Level of UTW, He Did Not Change That Union Very Much

Some of the Local Unions Who Were Part of the Secession Movement Later Returned to TWUA

Purge of Baldanzi Supporters after the 1952 Convention Was a Mistake
Scope and Content Note: People like Lew Conn and Charlie Serraino could have remained comfortably within TWUA.

Introduction

The Secession Movement in Stetin's Area
Scope and Content Note: Not too many people left TWUA. Some areas needed more attention in order to keep people from leaving, specifically Wilkes-Barre, Paterson-Passaic, and Philadelphia.

Anecdote Concerning the Philadelphia Joint Board and Secession
Scope and Content Note: Rieve decided an administrator should be appointed to manage the affairs of the Joint Board. It was determined by Stetin and Ralph Cline, the administrator, that the locks on the doors of the Joint Board would have to be changed, but at the last moment Stetin could not go through with it. Joe Hueter was debating with Rieve supporters on the merits of seceding to UTW. Rieve people placed a newspaper ad inviting Philadelphia textile workers to listen to Baldanzi speak on radio about the UTW. Hueter assumed the ad had been placed by Baldanzi people, but the speech turned out to be an attack on the UTW which Baldanzi had made seven years earlier. There was a real danger of the entire Philadelphia Joint Board seceding from TWUA.

Charlie Hughes Supported Baldanzi Because He Did Not Like Jack Rubenstein

Jack Rubenstein's Resignation as Carpet Director

Baldanzi Supporters Could Have Remained in TWUA and Returned to the Executive Council

A Grudge Held by John L. Lewis Against Rieve and the TWUA Prompted the United Mine Workers' Loan to the UTW During the Secession Movement

1951 Southern Strike
Scope and Content Note: Neither side wanted to strike, but at the same time neither side wanted to appear soft or non-militant.

The South and Unionism
Scope and Content Note: The situation in the South could possibly have had a different outcome if there had been a strike in the period just prior to the Second World War - there was more money and more resources available at that time, as well as more spirit.

TWOC Spent Only 18 Months Organizing and Most of That Organizing Occurred in the North
Scope and Content Note: A serious mistake to constitutionalize and thereby politicize the Union so soon.

Although There Was No Solid Basis for a Successful Strike in the South in 1951, TWUA Thought They Had the Membership Behind Them

Aftermath of the 1951 Southern Strike
Scope and Content Note: Stetin does not agree with those who claim the strike was lost because Danville had too much public relations and community action and not enough anti-bossism; a combination of both is needed for successful unionism. The Union lost the strike; no blame should have been placed on one side or the other. Politics was not a factor in the loss of the strike, it was simply an ineffective strike; the people just did not support the Union. Rieve's claim that Josephine McLaughlin and her “modern unionism” in Danville was a cause for losing the strike was erroneous because she was as anti-boss as anyone in the labor movement.

Danville Was the Union's Showcase in the South
Scope and Content Note: TWUA had its own building and there was much community involvement - a good example of modern unionism.

Rieve Made an Issue Out of “Modern Unionism” as a Way of Finding Fault
Scope and Content Note: This was a mistake. The entire TWUA lost the strike, not the local unions or the joint board.

More on Danville, the Largest Single Textile Unit in the World
Scope and Content Note: Danville was special and was a major inroad into the South, thus making the defeat there more significant.

Stetin Favored Giving More Attention to the South, and Pouring More Money into the Danville Strike
Scope and Content Note: The leadership, however, determined that the situation was lost. Money was not a factor in the defeat.

Introduction

Militancy of the Black Workers in Danville During the 1951 Southern Strike
Scope and Content Note: Somewhat of a surprise because the textile industry and hence the Union did not have many blacks.

Lack of Support from Other CIO Unions During the Strike May Have Been Because of the Friction within TWUA

Short-Term and Long-Term Effects of the 1951 Southern Strike on TWUA
Scope and Content Note: The strike itself, plus the secession of Danville to the UTW, had a demoralizing effect on TWUA in the South. The monetary cost of the strike led to less militancy and more caution about future actions in the South. Losing the checkoff as a result of secession also was detrimental.

More on the Decline of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: In addition to the “four horsemen,” the Taft-Hartley Act, the internal fight, and the Southern strike all contributed to the decline.

Textile Industry Experienced First What Other Unions Are Experiencing Now
Scope and Content Note: Many labor leaders refuse to admit that their power and strength is not as great as it is portrayed in the media. This situation a contributing factor in Stetin recommending merger with the ACW.

Foresight Concerning the Recession in the Early 1950s
Scope and Content Note: Sol Barkin urged diversification; there were discussions with employers, but TWUA was limited in what it could do.

TWUA Leadership's View of the Situation During the Mid-1950s Decline
Scope and Content Note: Made some efforts to stem the decline, like pushing for Area Redevelopment legislation; but by and large realized that “The only time working people are fully employed at their machines is when other workers are employed at machine guns.”

Imports Became a Major Issue with the Union in the Early 1950s
Scope and Content Note: Migration, mergers, and imports were all problems which caused concern. Rieve proposed an International Fair Labor Standards Act, but there was no support from the other CIO unions. Even the International Ladies' Garment Workers (ILG) and the ACW ridiculed TWUA as “protectionists.”

Cooperative Employers Was the Biggest Factor Contributing to NLRB Election Victories by TWUA in the 1950s

Loss of the CIO Spirit
Scope and Content Note: Caused by merger with the AFL. CIO unions became “AFLized.” Everyone from the leadership down to the shop steward came to identify more with the foremen and the executives than with the workers.

Stetin Does Not Agree That TWUA Became More Conservative
Scope and Content Note: Points to the Union's progressive stand on civil rights at 1956 and 1960 conventions as evidence.

Introduction

Rieve Retired in 1956 for Reasons of Health

Emil Rieve
Scope and Content Note: Very able organizer and tactician. As Hosiery Federation president, he made many great contributions; in his role with the CIO he was well respected by both CIO leaders and government leaders. He had a way of getting the best out of people.

Statistics on the Textile Movement from 1933 - Dyers and Hosiery Specifically
Scope and Content Note: Claims Dyers and Hosiery had more members at the time of founding of TWOC than others admit to.

The Big Mistake, for Which Rieve Must Share Some Blame, Was That TWOC Ceased to Exist Too Soon

Difference in TWUA under Rieve and Pollock
Scope and Content Note: Pollock more conservative than Rieve in financial matters.

Rieve's Statement at the 1964 Convention Concerning Pollock; That Speech a Terrible Mistake

More Usage of Governmental Agencies under Pollock Than under Rieve Due to the Fact That Kennedy Was President
Scope and Content Note: Kennedy was sympathetic to textiles having come from a textile background; and TWUA had always helped his campaigns.

Pollock as President of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Pollock was a very honest, committed, dedicated trade union leader. With the Union in a decline at the time he took over, it was a very difficult period for him. As a result of Pollock's involvement of TWUA in the struggle with J.P. Stevens in the 1960s, ultimately a new period in the American labor movement has been brought about.

Early Relationship of Rieve and Pollock
Scope and Content Note: They had many arguments over who was to make decisions on how the money was to be spent.

Opposition to Pollock Becoming Executive Vice President after Bishop's Death
Scope and Content Note: There was a strong feeling that John Chupka was much closer to the membership and that this made him the logical choice. Rieve offered Chupka the position, but Chupka refused as he felt it was more of an anti-Pollock move than a pro-Chupka move. Other possibilities concerning the position were discussed at great length. Rieve did not assume a leadership role. Stetin's scheme for four vice presidents did not draw much support.

Rieve Did Not Want Pollock to Become President of TWUA

Resolution of the 1956 Convention Condemning White Citizens Councils
Scope and Content Note: Southerners spoke against the resolution because they believed that position would hurt TWUA in the South. Although some members walked out of the convention, they did not walk out of TWUA. There were no membership losses over this issue.

Burlington Drive
Scope and Content Note: Undertaken largely for the purposes of agitation and education; it was not given the same kind of attention as that given to J.P. Stevens.

Introduction

Burlington Drive (Continued)
Scope and Content Note: A decision of the leadership. Though the drive was begun while textiles were still in a recession, organizing was an ongoing process.

Southern Agitational Wage Drives
Scope and Content Note: System used in 1930s by Dyers. Useful not only for getting wage increases but also for creating more interest among the unorganized workers.

Executive Council-Endorsed Executive Committee - 1956

Minority Opinion of the 1956 Convention Finance Committee Concerning Dues Increases

Strike Defense Fund Created in 1960
Scope and Content Note: Came about largely because of the Harriett-Henderson strike.

1960 Congressional Investigation of the NLRB Was Supported Mostly by TWUA

TWUA, UTW, and the No-Raid Agreement

Racketeering in the UTW Was a Major Factor Why TWUA Did Not Push for Merger in the Mid-1950s

George Meany Could Have Played a Major Role in a TWUA/UTW Merger But Did Not
Scope and Content Note: Part of the AFL philosophy of not forcing affiliates to act.

UTW May Have Accepted Baldanzi as Its President in Order to Help Make a Breakthrough in the South

Even If TWUA and UTW Had Merged, It Is Unlikely That Baldanzi Could Ever Have Returned to the TWUA in a Leadership Position
Scope and Content Note: Baldanzi went through the motions of working for merger, but probably never would have permitted it.

July 25, 1978 Session

Introduction

Causes of the 1964 Internal Dispute
Scope and Content Note: Personalities were the main issue in this fight. “It was purely a power struggle.” At an Executive Council meeting in 1961, the question of a wage increase for regional and industry directors sparked differences with Pollock. There was general dissatisfaction with the increase Pollock was offering.

Stetin Did Not Oppose Pollock until This Council Meeting
Scope and Content Note: It was not so much the money involved, but rather Stetin decided that Pollock's way of doing things needed to be challenged for the benefit of the Union. So he joined the opposition group. This issue of pay raises was the beginning of the fight that culminated in 1964.

Had John Chupka Run Against Pollock in 1964, He Would Have Won
Scope and Content Note: Chupka was a very decent person. Though he differed with Pollock, Chupka would not oppose him; the support for Chupka was there, including Stetin's support.

Pollock Was Opposed Both for His Leadership and His Style of Leadership
Scope and Content Note: Until the 1964 fight, Pollock was unwilling to take chances; although he was honest and dedicated, he was not an innovator; he was a status quo labor leader. However, after the fight, Pollock became more aggressive - he took on the challenge of J.P. Stevens, for example; and he came out against the Viet Nam War in the AFL-CIO Executive Council. The fight, therefore, was useful in that “it provoked him into a greater degree of activity.” After the fight, with the opposition defeated, Pollock had a greater degree of freedom.

In 1964, People Supported Pollock and Chupka Who Had Not Supported Pollock for Executive Vice President in 1953
Scope and Content Note: When Pollock first became President in 1956, he realized he did not have total support; but by 1964 there were various reasons why people chose to support Pollock and Chupka. One reason was the fact that the opposition would not have been as useful to the Union in a leadership capacity. Another reason was that many people, including Stetin, supported the Pollock-Chupka team because of Chupka.

The Opposition Slate in 1964 Would Not Have Been as Useful to TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Bill Belanger was a politician, and he was more interested in the politics phase of the labor movement than in its economic phase. When the 1964 fight first began, Stetin thought Victor Canzano would be the candidate for President; Stetin had less respect for Canzano than he had for Belanger, because Canzano's words and his actions were not always synonymous.

Stetin Felt That His Personal Interest in the Union Would Be Better Served by Backing Pollock and Chupka Than by Backing the Majority
Scope and Content Note: He felt he had a better opportunity for involvement with Pollock and Chupka as the top officers, an admittedly selfish and ambitious motive.

Belanger Was Involved in Things That Were Unusual for a Labor Leader
Scope and Content Note: Stetin prefers not to go into these.

Why Chupka Supported Pollock
Scope and Content Note: Though he was ambitious, Chupka was also loyal and did not care to move up at someone else's expense. In addition, Chupka saw this as a power play by Rieve against Pollock, similar to Rieve's move against Baldanzi in 1950-1952.

Rieve's Involvement in the 1964 Fight
Scope and Content Note: Rieve was interested in getting Canzano elected to the presidency of TWUA. Stetin felt Rieve interfered in the functioning of the organization. Rieve's speech at the 1964 convention was very unfortunate. It was his own decision to make that speech; it may have been to prove to his supporters that he had made the commitment and was going to go through with it.

When Chupka Decided to Support Pollock
Scope and Content Note: At an Executive Council meeting sometime before the fight broke into the open, some of the members asked Chupka to be a candidate, but he refused.

Federation of Textile Representatives (FTR)
Scope and Content Note: The formation of this union of staff prior to the 1962 convention was not necessarily a result of the internal fight. However, because of the division between the staff and the International Union, FTR used the fight as an opportunity for organizing.

New Executive Council Members in 1962
Scope and Content Note: It was probably no accident that of the four new members, two supported Pollock and two supported the Majority.

There Was Greater Potential for the Union in the Early 1960s Because of the Kennedy Administration
Scope and Content Note: A new spirit permeated the political scene and the labor movement. The internal dispute, however, had a detrimental effect on TWUA; it kept the Union from taking advantage of the available opportunities.

The Issue of Local 1790, Brooklyn, New York
Scope and Content Note: The issue of bringing charges against Joseph J. (Johnny) Miraglia and the Local appeared logical as it was presented at the time. This issue hurt the Majority considerably.

Sometime after the 1962 Convention, the Majority Began Caucusing Separately
Scope and Content Note: Prior to that, smaller groups of opposition people had been meeting.

Certain People Lined Up with the Majority Because They Were Antagonized by Pollock
Scope and Content Note: Pollock had a difficult way of dealing with people.

Introduction

The Administration Forces Went into the 1964 Convention Expecting Victory
Scope and Content Note: Boyd Payton decided to come over to the Administration side, and this changed the balance of power in the Council. Victory was expected simply on the strength of the Pollock-Chupka ticket since there were no philosophical differences, and there was no dishonesty or immorality in the leadership. It was clearly just a power play.

The Administration Group Was Prepared to Follow Through on Calling a Special Convention to Settle the Dispute
Scope and Content Note: They wanted to get it over with quickly because dragging it out would not be healthy for the Union.

Wesley Cook Is a Very Bright Man

Merger Between TWUA and UTW
Scope and Content Note: As a condition of merger, UTW wanted to retain its entire Executive Council after merger, but TWUA refused. This was a mistake, especially since Stetin took the same position when the merger between TWUA and ACW was being negotiated.

Though Pollock Was Unwilling to Compromise, It Is Merely Speculation to Suppose That the Majority Candidates Could Have Worked More Effectively for a Merger

Pollock's Stubbornness Could Have Been the Reason the TWUA Trustees Sided with the Majority at the 1964 Convention
Scope and Content Note: It was not because of any discrepancies in the finances.

The 1964 Fight Was More Bitter Than the 1952 Fight Because of the Number of People Involved; But the 1952 Fight Hurt the Union Much More Than the 1964 Fight Because of Secession
Scope and Content Note: The 1964 fight resulted in a loss of key staff, but the 1952 fight resulted in a loss of members. Also, the 1952 fight was at least partially responsible for the damaging southern strike of 1951. A poll of the Marshall Field Company at the time showed that the workers were very bitter about the schism in textile unionism in the early 1950s.

Aftermath of the 1964 Convention
Scope and Content Note: Bill Gordon and Canzano were not ostracized. Belanger and Cook were fired, but Pollock made no attempt to force any other members of the Majority out of TWUA.

Organizing
Scope and Content Note: During World War II the companies became very rich and powerful and decided “to put labor in its place.” The result was the Taft-Hartley Act. As corporations grew, the labor movement began to decline. Throughout the Eisenhower years, big business had the support of government. During the Kennedy-Johnson administrations, this changed a bit. There was a new spirit, with a friend in the White House. The labor movement grew, but only minimally because of the decline in the North. Hence, while the climate for organizing was more favorable, and this is reflected in TWUA organizing statistics, absolute membership statistics showed a decline because of northern mill closings and the practice of companies forcing strikes when they knew the Union was weak. The introduction of more and more blacks into southern industry will help unionize the South. While unions and workers, and therefore organizing, were buoyed by the Democratic administrations in the 1960s, they have not been similarly buoyed since 1976 because they do not view Jimmy Carter's Democratic Administration as friendly. It is in the hands of powerful business interests.

The South Is Changing
Scope and Content Note: More younger people and more blacks in southern industry are changing the labor climate, but “it will take a long time to undo the damage of the hypnotic and tranquilizing effect of the prejudices, of the bigotry that has been developed into their systems” through the generations. The Union cannot compete with the southern power structure and the belief amongst Southerners that this power structure is right.

The Media and the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: The media, controlled by employers, makes a big issue of any union corruption which is uncovered, but business corruption is hidden on page 45. The labor movement does not make good use of the media itself or of public relations in general. Stetin has attempted to change this in the AFL-CID, but he has not been able to get any support for the idea.

Introduction

TWUA Organizing Department Set Up in 1971
Scope and Content Note: This Department was formed so that the organizers would be subject to more supervision and more accountability. Stetin opposed the idea at the time; and, after he became President, he discontinued this policy because of the conflicts which were developing between Paul Swaity, the Director of Organizing, and the Regional Directors. The system may have to be changed again because organizing is not improving, and there is still insufficient supervision of organizers.

Swaity Is Now in Charge of Coordinating All Organizing Activities
Scope and Content Note: The problem is that each director or joint board manager “wants to run his own show.” One of Stetin's main goals before retirement is to work out a greater coordination, supervision, and accountability of the organizing activities of the Union. In the years ahead, ACTWU will have to select target corporations whose organization will be directed completely from international headquarters.

The Industrial Union Department's (IUD) Coordinated Bargaining System Should Be Extended to Include Coordinated Organizing
Scope and Content Note: This will be difficult to obtain until the United States gets a President who believes in industrial democracy and is able to change the image of Unions. This also, of course, implies a restructuring of the labor movement along the lines of one union, one company.

Staff Morale When Stetin Became President of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: Morale was low because there had not been much success with organizing.

Recruiting Field Staff in the 1960s and 1970s
Scope and Content Note: Modern young people “do not have that same idealism, dedication. They don't work as hard.” Today the foreman has more influence on the philosophy of the shop steward than vice versa. This relationship goes all the way up to the presidents of companies and unions. Young people today are more materialistic, and this is the fault of the labor movement; “we've developed that kind of a person.” The labor movement has improved the material well-being of more and more people, but the spirit of cooperation of the 1930s has been lost. People coming into the labor movement today do not want to make sacrifices; they want to start at the top.

Industrial Productivity Is Down Today Because Worker Morale Is Down
Scope and Content Note: The threat of plant liquidations is a factor, but the unions may also be at fault by not convincing the workers that they really understand and care. There has to be more to it than simply bread and butter.

New Approaches to Organizing
Scope and Content Note: Stetin does not agree that campaigns should be carried on indefinitely until an election victory seems possible. Defeats are not necessarily bad, provided contact is maintained with the union supporters. The labor movement should develop community organizations of the organized people in the community and “like-minded people,” so that constant educational, community, promotional activities are going on and these activities include non-union workers. A union cannot come in and expect a successful organizing campaign if the workers have been “hypnotized by the employer” and the power structure of the community for the previous fifteen years.

The Business Community's Offensive Against Labor Today
Scope and Content Note: Stetin agrees with United Auto Workers (UAW) President Doug Fraser's assessment. Even enlightened employers have allied with the union-busters in the effort to defeat the 1978 Labor Law Reform Bill. The banks and the conglomerates are in control throughout the world, and “they are responsible for the ills of our society.” The American labor movement should begin to speak out against this situation.

Introduction

The Effect on TWUA of Walter Reuther's Leaving the IUD and the AFL-CIO
Scope and Content Note: The TWUA had difficulty getting Reuther to go to the South on its behalf. I.W. Abel was more helpful to TWUA. The exodus of Reuther, however, probably injured the TWUA's image amongst unorganized workers.

TWUA Participation in IUD Coordinated Bargaining
Scope and Content Note: TWUA participated only to a limited degree because it did not have contracts with many big companies, the type which lend themselves to this approach.

The AFL-CIO'S Organizing Department, Formed in 1967, Has Been Ineffective

The J.P. Stevens Campaign
Scope and Content Note: After reviewing a number of companies, a committee headed by Chupka recommended to the Executive Council that Stevens be the target of an organizing campaign, because there seemed to be organizing interest, conditions were worse than in other companies discussed, and, therefore, the opportunity seemed the best with Stevens. Even though this decision was made during the 1962-64 internal fight, the campaign was viewed as a factor in bringing the Union closer together, especially since Reuther and the UAW would be lending support in the drive. The campaign languished from time to time and occasionally Stetin considered fundamental re-evaluation of the entire approach to the Stevens Company.

Fear Is the Major Obstacle to Organizing the South
Scope and Content Note: The labor movement is not an accepted way of life in this country, the Southern worker is aware of this and thus is afraid to take any chances with organized labor. He is afraid of losing his job, because if he is fired, he will lose the respect of his neighbors. This fear can be overcome only when there is a friendly atmosphere toward labor in the country, in the Congress, in the White House; when belonging to unions is again considered the norm.

Less Than Ten Percent of Textile Workers in the Carolinas Are Organized Today

Since Organizing Was Easier in the North, the South Was Somewhat Ignored, Especially Since the Defeats Were Greater in the South Than in the North

The Southern Conspiracy Has Existed for Generations
Scope and Content Note: With the 1951 southern strike, it only became more obvious.

The Union Has a More Difficult Time Dealing with Organized Mills in the South That Have Been Taken Over by Large Corporations and Conglomerates

Violence Is Still Part of the Southern Conspiracy, But It Is Not Always Physical Violence
Scope and Content Note: For example, J.P. Stevens management bugging the telephones of TWUA staff in Wallace, South Carolina. Police are still violent when dealing with strikers, and judges are violent in the way they mete out justice. The guns and billy clubs are less evident today, however.

Rock Hill, South Carolina
Scope and Content Note: Although the TWUA has two strong, militant locals there, it is unable to organize the J.P. Stevens plants in the same area. One factor is that the two organized locals represent dyeing and synthetic fibers, and these divisions of the industry were well organized in the rest of the country. Also, Machinists and Printers are well organized in Rock Hill.

Kayser-Roth Company, Dayton, Tennessee
Scope and Content Note: This company sued the Union alleging loss of business due to the illegal conduct and statements of the strikers. The court ruled against TWUA, and the Union was fined one and a quarter million dollars.

Oneita Strike and Boycott
Scope and Content Note: TWUA was successful because Oneita was a single company; production could not be shifted to another mill. The success of this strike was very important to the Union especially since the boycott was conducted nationwide and gave the Union a good image. It was “one of our brighter moments.” This boycott generated an interest in a boycott against J.P. Stevens, though such a boycott against Stevens had been discussed for many years.

Cannon Mills NLRB Election in 1974
Scope and Content Note: TWUA got 45 percent of the vote. The J.P. Stevens Roanoke Rapids election had just been won. There was good spirit, and the Union brought in big names and workers from other plants.

Wallace, South Carolina, J.P. Stevens NLRB Election in Early 1975
Scope and Content Note: The Stevens' management was so disturbed by TWUA's Roanoke Rapids victory and its near miss at Cannon Mills that it “threw the book at us; they violated every rule in the book.” TWUA still came very close to winning at Wallace.

Introduction

Other Industries Moving South
Scope and Content Note: These industries are not maintaining separate wage and fringe scales for the North and the South. Southern industry is beginning to realize that unless they match northern wages, and eventually fringe benefits also, unions will move in.

The Southern Cotton Industry Has a Higher Wage Scale Than the North
Scope and Content Note: This is partly as a result of TWUA's agitational wage drives, and partly an attempt by the employers to keep the Union out of the plants.

Why Textiles, More Than Any Other Industry, Moved South
Scope and Content Note: Although there were many contributing factors - the availability of cotton and labor, a homogeneous work force, the relative ease of building a cotton mill, cheaper taxes and utility rates - the main factor was the Union. “There were greater efforts at unionism in the textile industry throughout the North - and the South - than in most other industries.”

Both TWUA and UTW Suffered as a Result of the Canadian Nationalist Movement

At the 1974 TWUA Convention, an Attempt Was Made to Resolve the Criticisms of the Canadian Membership
Scope and Content Note: An amendment constitutionalized the Canadian Conferences. The delegates to those Conferences were given the right, subject to the approval of the TWUA President, to elect the Canadian Director. It was an effort to establish a good relationship with the Canadians, whether they stayed with TWUA or whether they formed their own national union. Stetin does not fault Canadians for wanting their own union.

Wilfred Essiambre
Scope and Content Note: He resigned from the Executive Council after the Celanese plants at Drummondville and Sorel, Quebec, were lost to the nationalist movement. He was not up to the job and felt he had been pushed into it, partly because he was French.

TWUA Canadian Membership and Merger
Scope and Content Note: The Canadian locals would have preferred a merger with either the United Rubber, Cork, Linoleum, and Plastic Workers of America or the Oil, Atomic, and Chemical Workers Union rather than with either of the garment unions, because a relationship had been established years earlier by the TWUA Canadian locals with both Rubber and Chemical. Also, Rubber and Chemical were more militant unions.

Modernization of the Textile Industry
Scope and Content Note: TWUA leadership did not stand up to its responsibilities in this area because the Union was not accepted, was always on the defensive, and never had a calm relationship with the industry. Sol Barkin constantly spoke of the need for the Union to encourage mill modernization and diversification, but the leadership always hesitated for fear the members would oppose it. Recently, Stetin attended the convention of the National Union of Hosiery and Knitwear Workers in Scotland. This union dealt with the question of modernization and of pressuring employers to modernize, to retrain employees, in order to remain competitive in the international market. They can do that, however, because the union there is considered a way of life; it is not on the defensive. Stetin was as guilty as other TWUA representatives who refused to permit workload changes, changes in work assignments, the introduction of new technology and automation.

TWUA Locals That Refused to Go Out on Strike with Other Locals in a Region Could Not Be Forced to Do So by the International

Northern Cotton and Wool Industry Gained Few New Fringe Benefits after the WLB Dissolved
Scope and Content Note: One of the reasons was the industry's movement South, and the concomitant weakening of the Union in the North. The workers, furthermore, preferred to take wage increases rather than fringe benefit improvements.

TWUA Usually Preferred Short-Term Contracts

Bargaining in the North Today
Scope and Content Note: Industry-wide negotiations are no longer practical. Single negotiations are the rule, with the hope that the industry leaders will establish a pattern for the others. Wages throughout the North are similar to each other; fringe benefits vary somewhat.

The More Successful Divisions of the Union Did Not Have Much Sympathy for the Problems of the Weaker Divisions
Scope and Content Note: The internal disputes of 1950-52 and 1962-64 contributed to this self-serving attitude.

In March, 1968, the Synthetic Locals of TWUA Set Up Their Own Defense Fund
Scope and Content Note: They felt their higher wages required higher strike benefits. It did not last long.

Synthetic Plants Were More Frequently the Target of Charges Brought by the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (EEOC)
Scope and Content Note: Women were given fewer job opportunities, and what few blacks worked in the synthetic industry were only given the dirty jobs. Also, the departmental structure was such that it was difficult to move up; people did not move from one department to another.

In the Late 1930s, American Viscose Corporation Had Spies within the Synthetic Locals of TWUA
Scope and Content Note: At this time, the locals of the American Viscose chain were being reorganized. During contract negotiations, TWUA learned of these spies. In 1934, Stetin had personally caught a spy who was an organizer on the Union payroll.

Introduction

More on the Spies of the American Viscose Corporation
Scope and Content Note: Rieve and Payne confronted the president of American Viscose, a Quaker. He denied the charge, but also asked for one week in which to investigate. Within that week, certain leaders in all seven locals removed themselves, and the President apologized to the Union. “The relationship from then until American Viscose was sold to FMC was the best relationship our Union had with any employer.”

The Purchase of American Viscose by FMC Corporation Was a Prime Example of a Conglomerate Taking Over a Company and Immediately Beginning to Fight the Union
Scope and Content Note: FMC also began closing Viscose plants but for economic reasons; the Viscose type of synthetic fibers were being replaced.

Imports
Scope and Content Note: In the 1950s and early 1960s, clothing manufacturers wished to bring into this country cheap, manufactured, raw cloth, which the clothing unions went along with. However, this attitude changed - when importation of finished fabrics (clothes) began to rise.

Limitation of Cotton Imports Preceded Wool and Man-Made Fiber Import Limitations
Scope and Content Note: The woolen industry had declined considerably. The man-made fibers industry was changing from rayon to non-cellulosic; thus, there was no unanimity in the industry to limit imports until much later.

The Present Law Giving Supplemental Benefits to Textile Workers Who Become Unemployed as a Result of Imports Is Merely a “Band-Aid Type of Help”

The Problem of Imports Has Always Been Greater in Canada

Worldwide Textile Industry
Scope and Content Note: All developed countries now complain of imports and multinational corporations. This does not necessarily mean the industry is overproducing; there may, however, be a problem of underconsumption. One of the first industries to be built in a developing nation is textiles; but these countries do not have enough demand at home for textiles, so they must export. Japanese textile imports are no longer a problem; now the Japanese complain of imports.

Why It Took So Long for TWUA to Take Up the Issue of Health and Safety
Scope and Content Note: Until about 1968, when George Perkel and the Research Department began discussing it, the Union was unaware of the problem of byssinosis. The subject simply did not come up until Congress began debating the Occupational Safety and Health Act and thereby brought attention to the problem.

The Introduction of Non-Textile Resolutions at TWUA Conventions, Late 1960s-Early 1970s
Scope and Content Note: Some of the younger people in the Union, as well as the Canadian membership, began pressing issues such as the Viet Nam War.

TWUA Structural Changes
Scope and Content Note: Retirement from the Executive Council at age 65 was never a serious issue until the 1970s. Imbalance on the Council was not so much a geographical imbalance as an imbalance of staff people vis-a-vis local payroll people. This developed as the Union shrunk and there simply were fewer and fewer people on the local payrolls. In 1972, the Union changed the requirement that ballots must be cast for twenty vice presidents and permitted delegates to vote for only fifteen. The administration continued to present a slate of twenty and, except for Charles Sallee's victory, the slate was always elected.

The Relationship of Joint Boards to the International
Scope and Content Note: Traditionally, the TWUA encouraged joint boards to pay their own staff. In the 1970s, however, some people began to urge that the International pay all joint board staff on the theory that it would make for a stronger International. Stetin did not agree and under his presidency more and more people have gone onto local and joint board payrolls.

Percentage Dues System
Scope and Content Note: Jack Rubenstein pressed for a percentage dues system, and George Watson pressed for a two hours pay per month system similar to the Auto Workers and the Steel Workers. The higher wage divisions opposed this on the theory that everyone should pay equal dues for equal service. Stetin would have preferred some kind of proportional dues system.

Jack Rubenstein's Opposition to Compulsory Retirement
Scope and Content Note: He took Stetin to arbitration.

Exemption of the Executive Officers from Compulsory Retirement
Scope and Content Note: This applied to Stetin and Pollock. Pollock was the one who pushed it, and Stetin went along with him.

Why the 1968 Convention Did Not Give Chupka a Supplemental Pension
Scope and Content Note: There was no preparation for this motion, and it was brought up at a time when many delegates were not present. Pollock later amended this through the Executive Council by naming Chupka as a consultant.

November 16, 1978 Session

Introduction

Both the Textile Division and the Clothing Division of ACTWU Are Moving to Temporary Quarters While the Old Amalgamated Clothing Workers Building Is Being Remodeled
Scope and Content Note: The Pension Fund, the Health Plan, and the New York Joint Board will remain in the TWUA building, which they have purchased.

There Were Only a Few Instances in Which Northern Employers Used Racial or Ethnic Prejudices in Their Efforts to Prevent TWUA Organizing
Scope and Content Note: In earlier years, however, employers would exclude certain ethnic groups because they were giving preference to certain other ethnic groups.

Raiding Between TWUA and UTW
Scope and Content Note: During the first several years of TWUA`s existence, there was considerable raiding. Since the AFL-CIO merger, there has been no raiding and very little competition for the same groups of unorganized workers.

Johnson & Johnson Personal Products Plant “Raid” in Chicago in the Late 1950s
Scope and Content Note: That unfortunate incident was the result of “a relationship that existed between some people in Johnson & Johnson management and Baldanzi”

The Relationship Between TWUA and UTW after the AFL-CIO Merger
Scope and Content Note: Except for merger discussions, the UTW leadership was not interested in any kind of a working relationship between the two unions.

After Stetin Became President in 1972, He Sent to All TWUA Vice Presidents and Directors a Memorandum Concerning the UTW
Scope and Content Note: The memo followed a convention resolution and discussions which had taken place in the Executive Council concerning a possible merger with the UTW. Stetin stressed the importance of developing “a closer, personal relationship with all UTW leadership” - top leadership, local leadership, and staff. However, the UTW leadership was not interested and directed its people to avoid cooperation with TWUA.

TWUA Offered to Cooperate with UTW on Johnson & Johnson
Scope and Content Note: UTW boycotted joint meetings on Johnson & Johnson. Recently, a local president of a UTW Johnson & Johnson plant in Texas participated in negotiations with TWUA Johnson & Johnson locals in Chicago. The TWUA, however, had to pay his expenses.

Recently Stetin Has Discussed with the Coordinated Bargaining Committee of the IUD the Possibility of a Meeting of All Organized Johnson & Johnson Locals
Scope and Content Note: The UTW will only participate on the International level; it does not wish to have its locals participate.

In 1973, Stetin and Rubenstein Formulated a Program of Cooperation Between the TWUA and the UTW, But It Was Never Implemented
Scope and Content Note: The program included putting all UTW locals and staff on the TWUA mailing list, suggesting a joint meeting of the two executive councils, urging regular meetings and cooperation on the local level and also mutual assistance in organizing. Stetin, instead, opted to meet with George Meany to see what he could do.

Meeting of TWUA Johnson & Johnson Locals During the 1978 ACTWU Convention
Scope and Content Note: The locals complained to Stetin about the lack of cooperation from the UTW and urged him again to take the matter to George Meany. Stetin intends to act on their suggestion.

In 1974 TWUA Contributed $1,000 to the Strike Fund of a UTW Local
Scope and Content Note: UTW President Francis Schaufenbil viewed this as a “political stunt.”

Had He Lived, Baldanzi May Have Been Receptive to a Merger of the TWUA with the UTW
Scope and Content Note: Stetin feels Baldanzi was more interested in merging with either the Boot and Shoe Workers or the Paper Workers. At one time Baldanzi suggested to Stetin a three-way merger with the Paper Workers, but Stetin “wasn't about to merge with (recently indicted) Joe Tonelli,” President of the Paper Workers.

There Was Never Any Cooperation Between the Two Unions on the Problem of Imports

Pollock Did Work for Merger and Could Have Brought It About
Scope and Content Note: However, Baldanzi wanted the entire Executive Council of the UTW to become part of the Executive Council of the merged union, and Pollock refused. It would not necessarily have been a fifty-fifty split on the merged Council.

After Chupka's Retirement, There Were Other Potential Candidates for the Position of Secretary-Treasurer Besides Stetin
Scope and Content Note: Daoust, Hueter, and Bill DuChessi. Stetin was chosen partly because he “had held most every kind of job in the Union,” and partly because Hueter recommended Stetin as the logical choice because of Stetin's knowledge of the Union. Daoust would have been the logical choice because of the many positions he had held within the Union, but he had developed a drinking problem which affected both him and “Pollock's judgement of him.”

More on Harold Daoust
Scope and Content Note: “He was a very decent guy.” Daoust was elected to the Executive Council at the 1950 convention; but he immediately resigned so that Bishop, who had been defeated for Executive Vice President, could have his seat because he felt that Bishop should be on the Council.

Introduction

When Daoust Died, Stetin Split Up His Many Directorships Amongst Many People
Scope and Content Note: This was for the purpose of getting more people involved in the leadership.

It Was an Oversight That Baldanzi's Name Did Not Appear on the 1972 Convention Resolution “TWUA Departed” after His Death

The 1970 Convention Found Pollock at the Height of His Leadership in the Union
Scope and Content Note: A large part of this was due to the presence of Stetin as Secretary-Treasurer. Many people were very pleased that he had moved into a position of leadership, and he helped give Pollock a better image. Also, Stetin's speaking abilities created enthusiasm; Chupka had not been a great speaker. Pollock had an image of being a tough guy. Stetin is much softer and wishes, at times, that he had Pollock's toughness. Stetin acted as Pollock's right arm.

Pollock's Retirement in 1972
Scope and Content Note: He was ill and had been in and out of the hospital during his last year as President. He announced his retirement at an Executive Council meeting and recommended that Stetin succeed him. Stetin did not have to do any campaigning, although he did ask Scott Hoyman to nominate him and Charlie Lazzio to second the nomination.

DuChessi's Election as Secretary-Treasurer in 1972
Scope and Content Note: In terms of seniority, either DuChessi or Daoust were the logical choices, but Daoust was again passed over because of his drinking problem.

In 1972 an Attempt Was Made to Revive the Position of Executive Vice President
Scope and Content Note: Five joint boards submitted resolutions favoring this revival. Daoust and Swaity were most interested in this, partly for their own advancement and partly to upgrade the status of organizing.

Why Pollock Failed to Be Named President Emeritus
Scope and Content Note: He was stubborn and wanted to accomplish it only in his own way. He refused to accommodate the wishes of even his close associates. The general feeling of the convention was that if he was successful, he would be “breathing down the president's neck.” Stetin supported Pollock's efforts. Had Pollock gone through the Executive Council, he would have been successful in his attempt. Another factor against Pollock was the poor way he had handled the motion on Chupka's pension at the 1968 convention.

Poor Staff Morale When Stetin Became President
Scope and Content Note: The morale problem was not confined to TWUA; it was felt throughout the American labor movement. Labor is more concerned with its own material well being than it is with the broader aspects of the labor movement. High salaries for union officers and staff today and the lack of concern for the unorganized are “a god-damned disgrace.” Stetin, himself, works harder today than when he was president. In TWUA, the staff union's concern for higher salaries and pensions merely reflected the attitudes of the Executive Council.

Reviving the Spirit of the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: Hopefully, after George Meany leaves, more and more people will speak up. Meany has done a good job, “but the time has come when he ought to leave.”

The British Trades Union Congress Compared to the AFL-CIO
Scope and Content Note: Stetin recently attended its convention and was very impressed. In the United States, George Meany is the spokesman for labor; not so in Britain.

More on the Revival of the Spirit of the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: Stetin is hopeful, but it will probably take a new generation of thinkers and doers. This may come with the next recession or depression.

The Changing Climate in the Working Class and the Labor Movement
Scope and Content Note: High unemployment is making these people more vocal. Unfortunately, labor leadership rarely mixes with the poor.

TWUA Attempts to Organize Non-Textile Plants
Scope and Content Note: This happened, but not in any organized way. This is an unhealthy trend in the labor movement; it is “like a free-enterprise movement.”

The IUD'S Coordinated Bargaining Concept Should Be Expanded to Coordinated Organizing
Scope and Content Note: Stetin hopes to pursue this as chairman of the IUD Organizing Committee.

At the Time of Merger in 1976, Between Five and Ten Percent of the TWUA Membership Was Non-Textile

The TWUA Attempt to Merge with the Industrial Trades Union (ITU) of Woonsocket, Rhode Island, Was Handled Primarily by Pollock and Daoust

Introduction

Merger Talks with Other Unions
Scope and Content Note: There were discussions with both the Chemical Workers and the Rubber Workers in 1968 and again in 1975, but these discussions produced no positive results. The Rubber Workers were considered because the textile industry is becoming more involved with plastics, rubber-coated fabrics, and synthetic fibers.

It Would Have Been Very Difficult for Pollock to Have Merged with a Larger Union

Between 1970 and 1974, There Was No Real Interest in Merger on the Part of the TWUA Executive Council with Either the ACW or the ILG
Scope and Content Note: TWUA was not able to get help from either of these unions on coordinated bargaining; they were still operating in old ways and with old ideas. At least with the ACW, a change of leadership was necessary before any merger negotiations could take place.

Initial Merger Talks with the ACW
Scope and Content Note: Stetin had known Jacob (Jack) Sheinkman, counsel for ACW. He was seen as a young man with social vision. It was Sheinkman who suggested merger discussions between TWUA and ACW.

Stetin Had Long Believed There Should Be an Apparel-Textile Department within the AFL-CIO

As Far Back as the Early 1930s, Textile Union Leaders Had Attempted to Get Agreements from the Garment Unions to Honor Textile Union Labels
Scope and Content Note: Stetin met in the early 1930s with the ILG's David Dubinsky to attempt such an agreement for the Dyers label. In the late 1930s Joe Hueter and Bill Pollock met with ACW leaders to discuss the interlining label. They could not, however, reach an agreement. The Taft-Hartley law then declared such agreements illegal secondary boycotts. Each union was too self-centered.

Wanda Rieve's Message to the Merger Convention
Scope and Content Note: She referred to the merger of textile and clothing as a dream of Rieve's and Hillman's. Perhaps in later years this was true, but in 1939 Rieve, Baldanzi, and Pollock were interested in setting up their own organization and getting away from the ACW.

Since the Merger, ACW Has Come to Realize the Many Problems Facing Textile Unionism
Scope and Content Note: The lack of master agreements and coordinated bargaining; the lack of “discipline,” with a greater degree of “bottom up” decision making; an unorganized industry. Sidney Hillman might have realized this in 1939; and that may have combined with the ambitions of Textile people to account for the formation of TWUA in 1939.

Merger with the ACW Was Approved by 95-97 Percent of the Delegates at the TWUA Merger Convention

The Major Hurdles to Merger
Scope and Content Note: To make certain there was a separate Textile Division so that TWUA would not lose its identity or its ability to continue to function in ways it was used to; and the issue of the size of the Executive Council.

The Issue of J.P. Stevens Was “Paramount” to Merger
Scope and Content Note: ACW had to be prepared to embark on an all-out boycott. ACW's decision to do this has resulted in a coalition of people from all walks of life which has resulted in a degree of activity that even the Farm Workers' boycott did not attain.

Breakthrough in the South
Scope and Content Note: It cannot be done until the labor movement and southern people attain a winning attitude which has been lacking since the 1934 strike. The big obstacle is still fear, created by the textile defeats in 1934, 1951, and 1960 (Harriet-Henderson), and also the Kayser-Roth decision against the Union. Also, other unions have suffered similar defeats. A victorious movement is needed to create an aura of power. When negotiating in the South, the Union always worries whether it will be able to retain past contract gains and whether it will have the power to strike. As Secretary-Treasurer, Stetin spent a lot of time in the South, sensed this fear, and realized it must be overcome before organizing progress could be made.

The ACW Was “Wary” of Getting Involved with the J.P. Stevens Campaign
Scope and Content Note: They remembered their own problems during the Farah campaign, which was touch and go. Sheinkman and Murray Finley were able to convince the ACW Executive Council to take a chance. Sheinkman and Finley “sensed that here was a chance to become a more outstanding union.”

Bargaining with Southern Employers Today
Scope and Content Note: The local-union people are often more militant than the staff; it is not easy to convince them to be cautious.

Current Efforts to Weaken Unions
Scope and Content Note: Since Larry Heath became the head of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) and started his movement for “a union-free environment,” there has been an effort to weaken, if not destroy, unions in America. Thus, the Union can never be sure what “give-backs” will be demanded by management at bargaining time. With thirty years of Taft-Hartley weakening unions, “the employers feel their oats now.” Examples of recent ill-advised strikes by some locals. Without economic power, unions cannot get political power.

Opposition to Merger
Scope and Content Note: Those opposing merger did not wish to see TWUA lose its identity. Several vice presidents were skeptical of the merger, but they trusted Stetin's judgement.

Stetin Feels He Cannot Retire until the Merger Is Fully Accomplished
Scope and Content Note: He feels a responsibility to those skeptical vice presidents. The merger has given him many headaches, but he is convinced he did the right thing. He sees a future when the Textile Division will be bigger than the Clothing Division.