Container
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Title
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Audio 660A
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1977 November 10
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
00:00
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Introduction
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
00:30
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Initial Involvement in Textile Industry and Textile Unionism : Wanted to become lawyer. In 1932, while attending law school, went to work in dye house. On seeing people employed with large families and making only about $8 per week, decided something should be done. In January 1933, successfully organized Local 1790 in New York City; became its first president and later its first manager.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
02:15
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Organization of Dyeing Industry in New York City Greater Metropolitan Area : While he was involved in organizing New York City dyers, a simultaneous, independent drive was going on in the Paterson-Passaic, New Jersey area. Joseph Yannarelli of the United Textile Workers (UTW) was organizing in New Jersey; his pay was fifty cents of the one dollar initiation fee. New York City dyers organized themselves, rejected invitation of the Communist textile union (National Textile Workers Union), and obtained UTW charter in spring 1933.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
03:50
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Strike in September 1933 : Both in Paterson and New York City. Joint negotiations impossible - difference in demands. Paterson settled first; New York City then demanded, and received, the same contract.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
05:50
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Initial Organization Easy : No outside help. A combination of NRA, people being aware of the low wages they received, and work conditions in dye house all contributed to the relative ease of organizing.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
06:45
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Help from Other Labor Unions During the Six-Weeks' Strike of September 1933 : No help from UTW. Solicited donations from other unions which were very helpful.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
07:20
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Biographical Information : Born July 25, 1911 in New Jersey, the fifth of eight children. Parents immigrated to the United States, and met here. Father had purchased a farm to supplement the income he received as a poultry laborer. At the age of five, family moved to the east side of New York City. Married in 1939; one son.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
10:45
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Choice of Law as a Profession : Originally wanted to become an engineer, but being Jewish precluded this at that time. Instead chose law because his religion would not hinder his advancement in that profession. Finished law school (St. John's University) while serving as president of the Local.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
11:55
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Somewhat Influenced by Family Involvement in Labor : Sister was organizer for Millinery Workers Union; father was occasional member of unions.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
12:20
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Working Conditions in Dye House in Early 1930s : Developed strong sympathy for fellow workers. Worst job he ever experienced. Worked 52½ hours, 5½ days a week. He, as a skilled worker, was making good wages - $16 a week. Dye houses cheated on NRA-set hours and wages; there was no one to enforce the law.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
13:25
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Provisions of the First Contract in September 1933 - Union Recognition and 57½ Cents Per Hour : See also 22:55 of this Tape #1, Side 1.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
14:05
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Became Manager of Local 1790 in November 1933 (Had Been President Since March 1933); Due To Structural Change in the Local
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
14:45
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Dues Collection : Even though members had no extra money, they were willing to pay dues because of the importance of the union. No check-off needed. Many members were very militant; Gordon's law background very useful in restraining militancy which tended toward violence during 1933 strike.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
15:50
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Duties as Manager of the Local : Hired secretary; continued organizational efforts; membership went from 1500 to 2500 during strike.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
16:30
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Formation of Dyers Federation : As a result of the problems encountered with the strike of 1933 (poor method of negotiation, misunderstandings between New York City and Paterson, overall weakness of UTW), decision was made in 1934, particularly in Paterson, to form a federation, consisting of locals in Paterson, Lodi, Union City, Passaic, and New York City. First president was George Baldanzi; Gordon ran against him. Basic concern was the workload.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
19:05
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Initial Structure and Authority of the Dyers Federation : Aim was to compare individual job situations and on that basis jointly negotiate uniform contracts, so that no shop would undercut the conditions of another; a uniform workload was the big issue. Joint negotiating committees of all locals formed to bargain with employer associations. Each city had its own employer association; they consolidated only after the Federation negotiated an insurance package during World War II.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
21:25
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One of the Basic Functions of the Federation Was to Organize Outside the New York City Area - New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
22:05
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Position of the Federation and of Dye Workers During 1934 Textile Strike : With the first-year contract still in effect, the Dyers were not in favor of breaking it; but would strike, if necessary.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
22:55
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Dyers Strike of 1934 : More unity because of existence of the Federation. Got 66 cents per hour and some fringe benefits. 1933 strike, which raised wages from 32 cents to 57½ cents, had bad economic effect on the industry. Same problem after 1934 strike, which lasted six weeks.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
24:20
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Communists Strongly Influenced Dyers Local 1733 in Paterson : Caused some of the disagreement between Paterson and New York City prior to winning first contract.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
25:00
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Dyers Federation Position on the Formation of the Textile Workers Organizing Committee (TWOC) : Having very little regard for UTW, cooperated with TWOC efforts. Turned over jurisdiction of New York skein dyers to TWOC. Also permitted organization of dyers outside the Federation in other parts of the country.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
26:45
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Proportion of TWUA Dyers Not in the Federation : About 10 percent did not belong to the Federation. Sometimes difficult to ascertain under which jurisdiction shops belonged; these usually affiliated with a joint board rather than the Federation.
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Tape/Side
1/1
Time
27:35
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Why Separately Organizing the Skein Dyers Was a Mistake
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
00:00
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Introduction
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
00:30
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Further Explanation of Why a Mistake Made in Allowing TWOC to Organize Skein Dyers into New York Joint Board, Separate from Federation : Internal struggle for power developed which would never have been allowed to happen had they been in the Federation. Dissidents seceded with Gorman to American Federation of Labor (AFL). Strategic organizing blunder by Sol Barkin. Joint Board unable to service skein dyers as well as the Federation could have.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
02:25
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Role of Dyers Federation in TWOC Drive : Acted in a supportive role, supplying manpower and knowledge. Did not supply funds.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
03:45
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Structure of Dyers Federation : Top officers were president and secretary-treasurer, and seven or eight organizers. Had district councils similar to joint boards. Executive board.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
05:25
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Gordon's Role on TWUA Executive Council : Two representatives of Dyers Federation had been on UTW Executive Council, and this arrangement carried over to TWUA. Vague on why he selected as one of the Dyers Federation representatives. Had little direct contact with the International Union; handled dyers matters, jurisdictional disputes with TWUA, etc.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
08:05
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Dispute Within Dyers Federation Developed Over Bonus System in 1946-1947 : United Piece Dye Works (Lodi, New Jersey) instituted a bonus system which the Federation opposed. Caused split in the Federation with people lining up with either Federation President Joe Knapik or George Baldanzi (former Federation President and then TWUA Executive Vice President). One Lodi leader shot. Fight carried to the TWUA Executive Council where Baldanzi held TWUA support against Knapik and the Federation. Gordon sided with Knapik.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
11:00
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Expulsion of Hosiery Federation from International Union as It Related to Dyers Federation : Dyers Federation was not concerned with the Hosiery Federation. Felt each Federation could take care of itself.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
11:35
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Gordon Feels That if Dyers Federation Had Not Split, International Union Could Not Have Dissolved the Federation
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
12:00
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The Actual Split Within Dyers Federation : Largest local (1733) supported Baldanzi; Lodi local was split. Majority of others supported Knapik. The bonus system was no longer an issue; personalities and politics at issue now.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
12:50
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Explanation of Bonus System : During World War II, bonus paid to the workers and also to some officials of the Local. Hard feelings developed over who was being paid what.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
13:20
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More on the Dispute Within Dyers Federation : Bonus system just one cause of the dispute; a spark which was played up for political purposes. Baldanzi unhappy with the way Federation being run by Knapik; wanted to use Federation as base to further his own aims within International Union. Baldanzi at one point ran against Knapik for Dyers presidency and lost by only one vote.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
15:15
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Dissolution of Dyers Federation : Gordon feels that Knapik went to Rieve, offered to give up his position within the Federation if the Federation was dissolved and became a division within International Union. Each side blamed the other for the dissolution. Knapik supporters agreed to dissolution in order to keep Baldanzi from taking over the Federation.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
17:10
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Gordon Feels Dissolution of Federation a Mistake : As a federation, Dyeing and Finishing workers would have had more solidarity and strength than as just another division within the International Union. As a division, had to contend with regional forces and regional directors' ambitions because divisional directors were on a par with regional directors, whereas the Federation had more clout as a semi-autonomous organization.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
19:10
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Baldanzi Fought Dissolution of Federation : Neither Baldanzi nor any of his group attended dissolution meeting because they did not have the votes to prevent dissolution. Gordon feels this event was one cause leading to split between Baldanzi and Rieve.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
20:05
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Possible Politics in Dissolution of Federation : Rieve favored dissolution of Dyers Federation as it removed Baldanzi's base, was good for International Union, and gave him opportunity to appoint as Division Director a man who was opposed to Baldanzi-Gordon.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
20:40
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As Director Gordon Not Supposed to Visit Lodi or Paterson - the Baldanzi Strongholds - Until Tempers Had Subsided
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
21:05
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Gordon Not Appointed Director of the Division Immediately after Dissolution in 1948 : Herbert Payne, a non-dyer, appointed director so that neither faction in the Dyers could object. Payne permitted to choose his own assistant, who would actually run the Dyeing Division. Probably with considerable Rieve input, Gordon was selected as Assistant Director. Reaction to appointment of Gordon or other Knapik supporter as Director would have been too violent to be palatable.
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Tape/Side
1/2
Time
25:35
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Problem of Disposition of Federation Treasury after Dissolution : Rieve promised Local 1733 just prior to dissolution that he would split the treasury up amongst the Dyers locals. Subsequently, he claimed the Executive Council would not allow it. Gordon voted against dividing the treasury in retaliation for Local 1733's support of Baldanzi. Money was put into the International.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
00:00
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Introduction
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
00:30
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Effect on the Workers of Major Technological Changes in Dyeing Industry, from the Beginnings of Dyers Federation Up to Mid-1950s : Modernization of machines and equipment intensified the work load. Dyers Federation maintained artificial restrictions on work loads while nonunion plants did not. This put organized plants at competitive disadvantage; Dyers Federation not very forward-looking in this respect.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
02:40
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Geographic Changes in Dyeing Industry : Dyeing of staple fabrics moved to southern nonunion plants earliest; this did not hurt the northern plants too much. It became worse when novelty fabrics as well as staple fabrics were moved south.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
03:25
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Decline of Dyeing Industry in New York-New Jersey Area : 5,000 to 6,000 people still employed whereas numbers once were 25,000 to 30,000. New York-New Jersey dyeing industry excels in special fabrics needing special treatment which are not done in long runs or large quantities. Workers got $1-$2 per hour more than in South.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
06:00
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Ethnic Changes in Dyeing Industry : Progression of Italians, Poles, Blacks, Puerto Ricans. Today the latter two groups make up 50 percent of dyeing industry. Although the most recent immigrants usually work in dye houses, wages are relatively even with the national average because of the strong Union. Despite the high wages, the most recent immigrants to the city fill the jobs because the work is so dirty.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
08:00
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Advantages of Dyeing Industry over Other Branches of the Textile Industry through the Years : Gordon feels Dyers far ahead of other branches. Technical changes in hosiery brought rapid decline of unionism. Novelty fabrics have kept Dyers going in New York metropolitan area at high wages, despite predictions of demise.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
09:15
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Explanation of Novelty Fabrics : High cost, low volume designs.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
11:35
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Strong Federation Put Dyers Way Ahead of Other Workers in the Textile Industry : Dyers were elite of textile industry in fringe benefits, industry-wide bargaining, pension plan, vacation, and wages; this has caused some resentment. TWUA pension fund patterned after Dyers pension fund.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
14:00
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Beginnings of Rieve-Baldanzi Split : Gordon feels the split already in the making with dissolution of Dyers Federation in 1948.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
15:20
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Basis for Split : Feels the supporters of Baldanzi and Rieve were the culprits more than the principals themselves; supporters of each side were looking for personal advancement. Issues were invented on both sides.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
16:35
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The Declining Industry Also a Cause for the Dispute : Contracting industry and declining union membership meant fewer staff positions available and less room for rapid advancement.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
18:35
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Reasons for Baldanzi's Susceptibility to the Pressure : Irrationality of a political fight.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
19:00
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Baldanzi and “Operation Dixie.” : Made allies in the South.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
20:20
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1950 Convention and Why Rieve Could Not Oust Baldanzi : Not enough preparation. Neutral line of thought tended to support Baldanzi; Baldanzi side simply had the better argument.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
21:15
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Why Rieve Forces Did Not Run Candidates Against Baldanzi Supporters in 1950 : Politically infeasible at the time. Baldanzi supporters on Executive Council were a small minority and had done nothing to warrant dumping.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
22:25
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Isadore Katz's Support for Baldanzi : May have been motivated by idealism; perhaps he just thought he had picked the winner.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
24:20
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TWUA Staff Mostly Favored Baldanzi : Thought Baldanzi more of an idealist and Rieve too practical.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
24:45
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Mariano Bishop : Good practical unionist, like John Chupka. Pushed Rieve.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
25:50
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TWUA Seniority : Larger divisions counted more. Industry vs. regional director. Most powerful directors were New England, Middle Atlantic, Cotton, Woolen.
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Tape/Side
2/1
Time
26:55
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Point of No Return in Rieve-Baldanzi Dispute Was 1950 Convention : Baldanzi group buoyed by success at 1950 convention and went for broke. Rieve group realized seriousness of situation and went all out.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
00:00
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Introduction
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
00:35
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State of Union Between 1950 and 1952 : Business was conducted, but the political effect of each action was always given prime consideration. If something appeared politically dangerous, a rational reason for not doing it would be developed.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
01:00
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Baldanzi's Issue of Democracy in the Union : A political gimmick, since all realized the need for a strong presidency in the TWUA.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
02:05
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Politics Was the Cause of Staff People Being Fired after 1950 Convention
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
02:45
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Top People Backing Rieve - Payne, Chupka, Bishop
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
03:05
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Accusations of Fiscal Conservatism Against Baldanzi : Rieve accused Baldanzi of opposing first and second dues increases in 1940s, and of opposing the purchase of TWUA building. Baldanzi was an idealist, impractical, and a poor administrator; thus, opposed spending the workers' money on a building.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
05:20
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Baldanzi Accused of Undermining Executive Council Slate in 1948 : Many of the departments of TWUA were pushing slates. As Baldanzi supporter, Charlie Hughes was being pushed by Baldanzi for a position on Executive Council.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
06:50
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Gordon Recognized His Appointment as Assistant Dyers Division Director as an Early Political Move by Rieve
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
07:25
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Southern Cotton Strike of 1951 : A political strike and should never have occurred. Between this strike and the internal fight, TWUA set back for years. Fault lay on both sides; politically dangerous to oppose the strike call; would never have been called in normal times.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
09:50
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Charge of Modern Unionism During the Strike's Postmortem : TWUA staff was not split by a philosophical approach to unionism, but by politics.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
11:50
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CIO Unions Did Little to Help During Southern Strike : Not because of the internal fight; rather just another example of the way CIO unions did not help each other. Only today are other unions beginning to appreciate the “Southern Conspiracy” TWUA has been up against. Labor beginning to realize today, in the fight against J.P. Stevens, that the various Internationals must stick together or sink separately, because now it affects them directly.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
14:40
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Why Baldanzi Allowed Himself to Be Maneuvered into Running an Opposition Slate at 1952 Convention : His supporters felt that, having done so well in 1950, success would continue with 1952. Rieve group also goaded Baldanzi into running a slate.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
15:35
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Baldanzi and the UTW : UTW expected 20,000-30,000 to bolt from TWUA. Pension fund held many Dyers in the TWUA.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
16:40
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Bishop's Election to Executive Vice President in 1952 : Rieve considered Bishop his successor and not Pollock. Bishop well respected within TWUA, while many had reservations about Pollock.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
17:55
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Selection of Executive Vice President after Bishop's Death : Executive Council did not want Pollock; preferred Chupka; decided to establish multiple vice presidents. Rieve then reverted to Pollock, who wanted the position and was prepared to fight for it at the convention.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
20:55
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Rieve's Suggestion of an Executive Committee of the Executive Council after 1952 Convention : Would have been composed of the officers plus five or six vice presidents in the New York area. It was opposed by Executive Council for geographic reasons.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
22:05
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Staff Purge after 1952 : In retrospect, a serious mistake. Hueter and Hughes able to remain with the Union because they had independent power bases.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
23:30
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Fight Between TWUA and UTW Following 1952 Convention : United Mine Workers' loan to UTW either because of friendships with Baldanzi or an attempt to establish influence within UTW.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
24:50
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Difference in Administrations of Rieve and Pollock : Rieve practical; Pollock vengeful and not as good a leader. Union philosophy did not change.
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
26:20
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Why TWUA Such a Clean Union : Strong leadership backed by a strong Executive Council; immediate action against anyone caught “fooling around.”
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Tape/Side
2/2
Time
27:30
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Change in Approach of TWUA to the South in Late 1950s; “Bargaining from Weakness” : The tape ran out when Gordon was being asked who conceived this “bargaining from weakness” approach. He could not give an answer.
: Leaflets, publicity - only way to get wage increases in order to protect wages and fringes in the North.
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1978 July 19
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
00:00
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Introduction
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
00:30
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UTW/TWUA Merger Possibilities in 1950s : UTW would never merge. “They were a very small organization devoted to taking care of the top people.” Merger would have ended UTW identity. TWUA leadership never seriously thought merger possible. Merger meetings were held largely for the benefit of the membership. UTW leadership would not have accepted subordinate positions in a merged organization and did not feel they had the capabilities to maintain high positions in a merged union.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
04:30
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How Baldanzi Became UTW President : Gordon feels Baldanzi's connections with the Teamsters got him the presidency of UTW. UTW was not particularly democratic, and the membership was content as long as they were left alone. UTW membership was not aggressive. Key leaders brought in Baldanzi to give the organization respectability, and the membership did not object.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
06:05
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TWUA Failure to Sign No-Raid Agreements in Late 1950s Was a Sign of Protest Against the Type of Organization UTW Had Become, Not a Threat to Raid UTW : UTW would have been easy to raid because it was run from the top, and the membership was not well cared for.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
07:30
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The Role of George Meany in the Merger Attempts : Meany tried to do what was right but was powerless in situations like this. Meany's claim that Pollock blocked merger was the result of misinformation. Merger would have been a feather in Pollock's cap.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
09:50
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Southern Agitational Wage Drives : Gordon does not recall circumstances of 1965 drive he directed. Today such drives make use of the media rather than the leafleting approach of the past.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
13:00
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Northern Wage Movements Today : Negotiate from weakness. Can not push too hard, because the threat to liquidate or migrate is real.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
15:25
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Northern Dye Industry Today : Northern dyers able to maintain a higher wage than southern dyers because they deal with a specialized trade which depends on styles which change frequently. Grey goods can be made up, stored, and sold at any time. Prints, colors, etc. must be made for a current market. Decline of northern dye industry due largely to the decline of specialized fabric market. Dyeing of staples can be done more cheaply in the South; and staples have superseded specialty prints. Also, more and more specialties are imported.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
19:10
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Main Causes of 1962-1964 Internal Fight : In a subsequent conversation with Gordon, on July 25, 1978, I told him that his explanation of the causes of the fight seemed to give chief importance to the ambitions of the Majority leaders. Gordon responded that he di9d not mean it to come out that way. He wanted the record to show that he feels equal weight must be given to both the ambitions of the Majority leaders and also the widespread dislike of William Pollock. Gordon feels that both factors were necessary and that either one alone would not have been sufficient.
: The Union was shrinking and a group of competent leaders saw no way to advance. Competent people are more willing to take a chance that might result in the loss of their jobs. they also wanted to make more money, and they questioned Pollock's leadership abilities. Pollock was a good, strong leader, but he lacked many of Rieve's qualities. Because of this discontent, a “Hate Pollock Club” developed, which included Chupka and Sol Stetin, who both decided at the last minute to support Pollock.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
22:10
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John Chupka's Role : In late 1962 or early 1963, the Majority group decided to make an open fight. Chupka was asked to lead the group; but, after meeting with Pollock, he refused to do so.
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Tape/Side
3/1
Time
23:25
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The Local 1790 Issue : Joseph J. (Johnny) Miraglia, Manager of Local 1790, was the “weak sister” in the Majority, and the Administration made the most of it. Miraglia mistreated his Business Agent, Stanley Artowicz; so the Administration had a waiting “Judas Iscariot.”
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
00:00
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Introduction
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
00:30
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Pollock Knew He Had Opposition Before He Became President : There was considerable opposition to him becoming Executive Vice President in 1953, and the opposition never went away. In 1953 the Executive Council wanted either multiple Executive Vice Presidents or else Chupka as Vice President. Rieve and Chupka backed away because Pollock threatened a convention fight.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
04:20
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Gordon's Assessment of Pollock : He was a good executive. He dignified the office and had intestinal fortitude.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
05:50
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The Falling Out Between Rieve and Pollock : Gordon feels it began sometime back. Pollock was “wishy-washy” when the 1952 fight developed. Rieve only supported Pollock for Executive Vice President in 1953 because he saw the alternatives - multiple executive vice presidents or a Pollock/Chupka convention fight - as being worse for the Union.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
07:30
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The Change in Rieve's Title to President Emeritus in 1960 Was by Mutual Agreement and Was Not Controversial
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
08:45
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The Relationship Between Pollock and Department Heads : The Department heads did not have the same respect for Pollock as they did for Rieve. Pollock expected all of Barkin's ideas to be good ones and did not realize that he, as the executive, had the responsibility of choosing the good ones from the poor ones.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
11:45
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More on Chupka's Role in the Internal Dispute : The Majority felt that Pollock must have had something on Chupka in order to make him change his position so drastically overnight. With Chupka, the Majority could have won the fight. The Majority could have either used the treasury or stopped the Administration from using it for political purposes. The Majority had to go to the local unions (especially 1790 and Fall River) for money.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
16:30
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Stetin's Decision to Side with the Majority : Stetin made a good political decision. He would probably have stayed with the Majority if Chupka had. If he had stayed with the Majority, it would not have changed the outcome unless Chupka also stayed with the Majority.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
17:45
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Peace Efforts : Peace was a possibility right up to the time the Majority went to court to force the Administration to provide free access to the books.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
18:45
|
The Federation of Textile Representatives (FTR) Would Never Have Been Formed Without the Internal Fight : This union of staff organizers and administrators saw this as a good opportunity to organize the mselves. They knew both sides would have to try to accommodate them.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
20:15
|
1962 Turnover in Executive Council Members : It was agreed in advance that the four new members would include two from each side. This arrangement was part of the 1962 peace effort.
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Tape/Side
3/2
Time
21:25
|
The Atmosphere at the 1962 Convention : The theme was to think positive and think peace.
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|
Tape/Side
3/2
Time
23:50
|
Detrimental Effect of the Fight, 1962-1964 : As with previous internal fights, decisions were often based more on what was politically to the advantage of each faction than what was best for the Union.
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Tape/Side
4/1
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
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Tape/Side
4/1
Time
00:30
|
More on the Local 1790 Issue : This issue brought the fight to the forefront. Although Local 1790 had been using strong-arm tactics for years, the Administration purposely made this an issue at this time because it was a strong point for them. Gordon tried to make peace between Miraglia and Artowicz in order to avoid making the Local's practices an issue; but Artowicz would not trust Miraglia. The Administration had a good issue, and “a weak man to pull it on” (Miraglia). The issue of racketeering was phony. Like most unions in the Metropolitan area, Local 1790 had to use a little force. Miraglia did use force, but for trade union purposes, not for self-aggrandizement. All dyers were aggressive; the use of force was an important factor in the success of the dyers.
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Tape/Side
4/1
Time
07:55
|
No One from Local 1790 Ran for the Executive Council in 1964 : It would have been detrimental to the Majority slate.
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
08:15
|
It Was a Strategic Mistake for Miraglia to Ask the District Attorney to Defend Him in the AFL-CIO Hearing on Local 1790 : Gordon had been selected by the Majority to defend Miraglia. Miraglia's going outside the trade union movement for his defense was almost like an admission of guilt.
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
09:25
|
The Majority Was Unable to Counterattack on the Same Grounds : Similar practices were prevalent in Irving Epstine's New York City Joint Board, but the Majority could find no witness to come out against Epstine like Artowicz did against Miraglia, because Epstine had not mistreated anyone like Miraglia had mistreated Artowicz.
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Tape/Side
4/1
Time
11:15
|
After the 1964 Convention, Local 1790 Situation Resolved : Jack Rubenstein, chairman of the Monitors of 1790, wanted to get rid of all the business agents, but Gordon used the strength of the Dyers to prevent this. Gordon struck a deal with Pollock whereby Miraglia would resign, but charges against the business agents would have to be proven before their resignations could be forced. There was no racketeering or graft, just the use of force for trade union purposes; so all business agents remained. The Local remained solidly behind Miraglia throughout.
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
14:15
|
Gordon Denies That Local 1790 Was Not Democratic : There was simply acknowledged and unchallenged leadership. Miraglia overreacted when he had the bylaws changed in order to make challenges to his leadership more difficult; there would have been no challenges even without the changes. Miraglia could even have been re-elected after the internal fight.
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
16:30
|
Miraglia, after All Investigations Were Finished, Almost Decided to Run Again for Manager of 1790
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
18:10
|
The Majority's Only Counterattack Was to Attempt to Show Financial Malfeasance on the Part of the Administration : This attempt backfired. The Majority had to go to the courts in order to get at the books. Bill DuChessi used COPE influence to stall the court decision. By the time the courts ruled in favor of the Majority, there was not enough time to discover much incriminating evidence. Meanwhile, the very fact that the Majority went against accepted trade union practices, by going to court against their own union, worked to their disadvantage. It cost the Majority $10,000, “the world's worst money spent.”
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
22:30
|
Gordon after the Fight : Pollock was so mad that Gordon did not have a secretary for two years and did not get a raise for four years.
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
22:50
|
The Majority Began Meeting as a Separate Caucus About the Time the Local 1790 Issue Came Up
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
24:05
|
The Twelve Vice Presidents Who Constituted the Majority All Basically Had the Same Motives : Personal advancement and gripes about the quality of Pollock's leadership. In retrospect, Gordon does not feel these were sufficient reasons. There was a sincere feeling amongst the Majority that a more aggressive President would have brought the Union more progress. Gordon's personal motive for joining the Majority was a basic dissatisfaction with Pollock's leadership.
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|
Tape/Side
4/1
Time
25:3O
|
The Leaders of the Majority : The Majority's executive committee consisted of William Belanger, Victor Canzano, Wesley Cook, Gordon, and Boyd Payton, another “Judas Iscariot.”
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
00:30
|
Boyd Payton's Role in the Internal Fight : Payton had been caught dipping into the till in two strikes. He was forced to act as a spy for the Administration, under threat of prosecution. Since he was on the Majority's executive committee, the Administration always knew what the Majority was planning. Later Payton paid back at least part of the money, but he was never prosecuted in court.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
02:55
|
The Major Strategic Mistake of the Majority Was the Decision to Carry on the Fight Once Chupka Decided to Side With Pollock : At the time, they thought they could still win because they represented the directorships of most of the major divisions and geographic regions of the Union. However, only the Dyers remained solid. The Administration had its organizers travel the country to argue its case. The Majority did not have this freedom of travel.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
05:40
|
Why the Majority Opposed Calling a Special Convention : The Majority knew they were licked at that time and mistakenly thought more time could bring victory.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
06:50
|
About Six Months Before the Convention, the Majority Knew It Could Not Win : By then it was too late. No peace was offered.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
07:10
|
The Key Issues Working Against the Majority at the Convention : The Miraglia issue and the ability of the Administration to get the AFL-CIO Report on Local 1790 issued prior to the convention. Meany was responsible for the tenor of the AFL-CIO Report, which actually proved nothing as bad as what happens daily in many AFL-CIO unions.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
08:45
|
Rieve's Role in the Fight : Rieve did not take part in the fight; did not meet with the Majority. The only thing he did for the Majority was testify on behalf of Miraglia during the AFL-CIO hearing. His speech against Pollock at the convention was ill-timed and was mainly a manifestation of his bitterness against Pollock. He was disappointed in Pollock's leadership and, in a sense, blamed him for the fight. Gordon and others tried to talk him out of making the speech; but he was determined, even if he had to have someone else read the speech.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
12:45
|
The Attempt by the Majority to Make Local 1790 a Joint Board : The Majority could not reject Chupka's charters report on the grounds that it did not include a joint board charter for 1790 because it would be accused then of interfering with routine Union business.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
15:25
|
The Selection of the Majority Slate : Cook and Belanger were selected as sacrificial lambs, since it was assumed that whoever ran would be fired, and both of these men were prepared to leave the Union. Gordon feels the best ticket would have been a Cook/Canzano ticket; Belanger was too power hungry.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
17:45
|
Convention Strategy : The strongest issue on which to have a test vote was the question of seating delegates from Local 1790. The Majority did pick up strength on this issue because the Local had paid its per capita tax; yet the Administration was refusing to seat the delegates from either the local or the phantom joint board. This test vote determined the convention strength of each side, so further fights over committee assignments and the like would have been fruitless.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
20:00
|
Gordon Does Not Know Why the Trustees Lined Up with the Majority
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
21:15
|
Gordon Thinks the 1952 Fight Was More Bitter than the 1964 Fight, and the Union Lost More in the 1952 Fight : No members were lost in 1964.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
22:50
|
In 1964 the Administration Had the Votes and Could Have Elected Anyone It Wanted
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
23:50
|
The Fate of the Losers in 1964 : Canzano remained as Cotton-Rayon Director, but with very little authority. Cook and Belanger were fired. Pollock tried to fire Gordon, but the Dyers prevented it.
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|
Tape/Side
4/2
Time
25:40
|
Canada Was Solidly for the Administration
|
|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
00:35
|
TWUA Policy Has Been Not to Raid Other Unions : Has occasionally made exceptions to this policy when a sweetheart agreement was involved. Prior to the AFL-CIO No-Raid Agreement, however, UTW shops were considered fair game for raiding.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
02:10
|
Textile Industry Decline More Accelerated in 1970s than 1960s
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
04:30
|
Organizing in the 1960s and 1970s : Creation of the Organizing Department in 1971 signaled no changes in operation. The problem of recruiting competent staff was lessened by the founding of the FTR and the resulting higher staff wages.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
06:55
|
TWUA Received Considerable Organizing Assistance from the Industrial Union Department (IUD) : Only recently, however, has the AFL-CIO become concerned about organizing the South.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
08:35
|
TWUA Failure to Participate in IUD Co-ordinated Bargaining : TWUA did not have the strength to go down to the wire and strike with the other unions if that was necessary.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
11:10
|
Attitude of Dyers and Synthetics Toward the Weaker Divisions of TWUA : A certain amount of clannishness did develop, but the various divisions really could not help each other much.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
13:10
|
J.P. Stevens : Gordon thinks selection of Stevens for the IUD drive was a mistake; should have selected a company with a more identifiable product name. Gordon claims Pollock responsible for selection of Stevens, and no one could object since it came in the midst of the internal fight. Gordon thinks J.P. Stevens should be attacked from all angles and expects success in another four or five years.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
19:35
|
Good AFL-CIO Support in the Stevens Campaign Today : Building trades unions finally beginning to feel the pinch in the South themselves, and this has changed the AFL-CIO attitude. Today Electrical Workers and Auto Workers are also running up against the Southern Conspiracy.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
21:45
|
The South Can Not Be Organized Until It Experiences Its Industrial Revolution : The Industrial Revolution is finally taking place in the South. A main factor today is a better-educated workforce. Labor Law Reform is also a “vital necessity” to beat the Southern Conspiracy.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
23:30
|
The 1934 Textile Strike Was the Opportunity to Organize the South : Then the 1951 strike destroyed what progress had been made since 1934.
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|
Tape/Side
5/1
Time
25:05
|
TWUA Always Spent a Disproportionate Amount of Resources in the South
|
|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
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|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
00:35
|
Conglomeratization of the Southern Textile Industry Brought the Southern Conspiracy to Mills Where It Had Not Previously Existed
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|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
03:35
|
TWUA in Rock Hill, South Carolina : Rock Hill had a big dye plant and a big synthetic plant, and the workers were very militant. Militancy was due to high wages.
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|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
05:20
|
Oneita Strike and Boycott : TWUA was able to win because its opponent was weak. The employer had no similar mills to which production could be shifted.
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|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
07:35
|
Cannon Mills NLRB Election : The Union had run a rather lackadaisical campaign for several years. Then organizer Bob Freeman asked for a crack at it and all the latent sentiment came forth, and the Union was able to poll 45 percent of the vote. The company then mended its fences, and the Union sentiment faded. Cannon must be very careful; it is much more susceptible to unionization than J.P. Stevens; “all their eggs are in one basket there”; a strong boycott against Cannon could cut their sales by 20 percent within six to nine months.
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|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
11:05
|
Gordon Feels Short Campaigns Ending in Losses Are Preferable to Long, Inconclusive Campaigns : Without an election the workers begin to feel the Union has abandoned them. A lost election proves to the Union supporters that their co-workers do not want a union, and it leaves a hiatus to which the Union can return in a few years.
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|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
14:45
|
Southern Wages Finally Caught Up with Northern : This was one way to keep the Union out. The South still does not equal the North's fringe benefits.
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|
Tape/Side
5/2
Time
16:25
|
TWUA Pension and Welfare Funds : TWUA's policy for years was to negotiate benefits rather than money for benefits. Benefits were small, except for the Dyers. Dyers led the way in negotiating benefits during the War Labor Board (WLB) years. When he became Assistant Director in 1948, Gordon pushed for and got a Dyers Pension Fund, which grew from a meager beginning. New York Joint Board was the second section of the Union to get into their own insurance and welfare fund. Then the TWUA Welfare Plan; largely in the Mid-Atlantic states and New York. Then the TWUA Pension Fund and Welfare Funds in St. Louis, California, and Chicago. In 1968 Pollock asked Gordon to merge administratively the Dyers and the TWUA Pension Funds. Today the merged fund has over 30,000 participants and nearly $40,000,000. All the Pension Funds, except that of the New York Joint Board, are now run out of Gordon's office.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
00:40
|
Importance of the Various Funds : Pension and Vacation Funds tie the workers more closely to the Union and permits the Union to become closer to the members. New England Health Fund recently added. Sometimes harder to convince staff negotiators of the importance of the Funds than the workers the mselves. Synthetics negotiators, for instance, still stick to the old system of negotiating benefits rather than going into a multi-employer, jointly-trusteed fund, simply because the former system of benefits is easier to negotiate.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
03:30
|
Shortsightedness of Garment Industry in Regard to Textile Imports
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
04:35
|
Necessity of Regulating Imports by Category
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
05:20
|
Current Import Treaties Are Hurting Garment and Textile Industries : Current treaties permit a percentage increase in imports each year, and the percentage increase in American consumption is not as great. A common position on imports was one of the reasons for the TWUA merger with the Amalgamated Clothing Workers (ACW).
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
05:50
|
Decline of the Woolen Industry : Purely woolen materials were superseded by blends which were done in large Southern mills. Since there was so little purely woolen material being manufactured, the government probably saw little reason to give it protection from imports. No big woolen or carpet mills left in the North because of introduction of blends and tufted, which are made in new, large Southern mills.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
08:15
|
The Worldwide Overproduction of Textiles : After World War II, the United States government encouraged reconstruction of Germany, Japan, etc. with soft-goods industries and prevented construction of hard-goods industries because the latter could be more easily converted to the materials of war. Also, it is easier to put up a textile mill. Large Southern textile mills able to compete today in the world market only because of modern machinery and efficient production.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
12:25
|
The Necessity of Maintaining the U.S. Textile Industry : Must be self-sufficient in case of war.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
14:05
|
Why It Took So Long for the Union to Grab the Issue of Health and Safety : Had too many other problems; and, also, pushing the safety issue too hard in a fragile industry might have led to the loss of more jobs.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
16:05
|
The Introduction of Non-Textile Resolutions at TWUA Conventions, Late 1960s, Early 1970s : Viet Nam, pollution, etc. - these resolutions were usually drawn up by staff people, not the locals. Big debate over Viet Nam resolution at 1970 convention, but it was only a debate. TWUA leadership ahead of AFL-CIO leadership in moving to anti-war position.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
20:55
|
Constitutional Changes in Early 1970s : Younger people wanted to move up; to get on the Executive Council. The solution was the compulsory retirement amendment and the convention rule which permitted delegates to vote for only 15 of 20 vice-president positions, thereby giving independent candidates a better chance for election. The charge that the Executive Council had become geographically imbalanced was merely an argument to open up more positions.
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|
Tape/Side
6/1
Time
24:30
|
Structural Setup of TWUA : The North developed structure along industrial division lines, and the South tended more toward a regional structure. Industry directors were often resented in the South. Dyers and Synthetic directors, while meeting some resistance, were able to operate in the South, but Cotton, Woolen, etc. operated regionally.
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|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
|
|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
00:30
|
Higher-Paid Divisions Prevented Institution of a Percentage Dues Structure
|
|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
02:00
|
Jack Rubenstein's Opposition to Compulsory Retirement and President Emeritus Amendments at the 1972 Convention
|
|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
05:35
|
TWUA Defense Fund : Northern locals wanted strike treatment equal to the South. Leadership tried to use the Defense Fund whenever possible in order to ease the pressure on the General Fund - legal fees to fight the Southern Conspiracy, contribution to Farah boycott, etc.
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|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
08:55
|
Why Union Pension Funds Can Not Arbitrarily Be Placed with the Amalgamated Bank : As a fiduciary, Pension Fund directors are legally obliged to seek the greatest return on the members' money.
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|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
13:45
|
Liquidation of Northern Bigelow-Sanford Carpet Mills : Due to changing methods of production which new Southern plants implemented.
|
|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
15:00
|
A Greater Degree of Monopolization in Textiles in the Early Years of TWUA Would Have Made It More Difficult to Organize : While domination of the industry by giants may have made steel easier to organize, steel did not have the Southern Conspiracy.
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|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
17:50
|
More on the Southern Conspiracy and Its Possible Demise : Gordon predicts it will take 10-15 years maximum.
|
|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
18:40
|
Gordon Believes in a Balance of Power Between Union and Management : It is dangerous for either side to wield too much economic power.
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|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
19:15
|
1975 Request by Mid-Atlantic Dyeing Industry for Wage Cut : The industry was suffering a downturn, and the wage cut request was used only as a bargaining point.
|
|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
22:00
|
TWUA Trustees : Often business agents on local payrolls.
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|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
23:05
|
Directors' and Vice Presidents' Convention Liquor Money
|
|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
23:55
|
Why Joe Hueter Often Led the Balloting for Vice President : He was not controversial. The more localized a vice president was, the fewer enemies he would be able to make.
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|
Tape/Side
6/2
Time
24:50
|
Why General Counsel Pat Eames Left the Union : Too idealistic, particularly in regard to Women's Liberation.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
00:30
|
TWUA Policy that Professional Staff Not Belong to the Union
|
|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
01:15
|
Murray Moreno, Miraglia's Successor, as Manager of Local 1790 : He was one of the business agents Rubenstein wanted fired; but, even after a two-year investigation, no wrongdoing by any of the business agents was shown. Moreno later became a TWUA vice president and, ironically, manager of the New York Joint Board which recently was merged with Local 1790.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
04:30
|
Charles Lazzio : A militant trade unionist from the Dyers. Men like him made possible the superior gains of the Dyers. Helped save Gordon's position in 1964.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
07:10
|
The Return of the Hosiery Workers : TWUA provided the American Federation of Hosiery Workers (AFHW) with a haven. Like TWUA, the AFHW was rapidly going downhill.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
08:30
|
Why the 1968 Convention Did Not Give John Chupka a Supplemental Pension : In part, this was a reaction to the chastisement Pollock and Chupka gave Rieve in 1964. Everyone was amazed that this was defeated, and it was done without any organized opposition.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
12:45
|
Sam Azzinaro : He was the weakest member of the Majority group and was permitted back on the Executive Council after asking Pollock's forgiveness.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
13:15
|
Garnold Richards' and Jack Rubenstein's Aborted Attempt to Run for the Executive Council as Independents in 1968 : Rubenstein was convinced by others that he would lose such an attempt; so he asked back on the slate. He was permitted back on; but Richards was not, and he lost.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
16:15
|
Tokenism on the TWUA Executive Council : Roger Dove was put on the slate in 1974 because he was Black. There was also a woman who was picked because she was a woman.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
18:10
|
Selection of a Successor to Chupka : Stetin and Harold Daoust were the two candidates, and a majority of the Executive Council preferred Stetin.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
19:25
|
Selection of DuChessi to Succeed Stetin in 1972
|
|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
20:15
|
George Baldanzi's Death in 1972 : He did not appear on the list of “TWUA Departed” at the 1972 convention, possibly because of his role in the secession movement which is a much greater sin in labor circles than an internal political fight.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
21:40
|
Charles Sallee Broke the Slate in 1972, Defeating E. T. Kirkland : Sallee and Dick Plescia both attempted to break the slate that year. Sallee was successful and was then accepted as a member of the Executive Council. Plescia was unsuccessful, quit his TWUA job in Chicago, and eventually wound up back in the Union, working on the West Coast.
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|
Tape/Side
7/1
Time
22:55
|
Pollock's Retirement in 1972 : Retired because of age. Latent resentment against him then came out at the convention. Even many of his friends did not support his effort to become President Emeritus. His strategic mistake was when he announced his retirement before getting the President Emeritus constitutional change.
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|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
00:00
|
Introduction
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
00:30
|
Staff Morale when Stetin Became President : The Union was in a state of drift during the last several years of Pollock's presidency. This was one reason why Pollock retired.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
02:40
|
Robert Freeman and the FTR : Freeman was a founder of the FTR and got into internal political conflicts in the FTR in the 1970s.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
04:10
|
Stetin Revived TWUA Spirit Somewhat : Merger with ACW was part of the attempt to revive the spirit. Stetin's dedication was second to none. Many people were older and “the newer people hadn't been indoctrinated in the right way.” Nevertheless, there “was a lot of spirit in the Textile Workers Union against insurmountable odds.”
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|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
05:55
|
TWUA and Organizing of Non-Textile Workers : While obeying the AFL-CIO No-Raid Agreement, no unions feel confined to their recognized jurisdictions.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
06:45
|
TWUA and UTW Cooperation : TWUA considered UTW as a small brother, and UTW regarded TWUA as a nuisance. Cooperation was usually on the local level, not on the International level. They regarded each other with suspicion.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
08:20
|
UTW/TWUA and Merger : UTW did not want to merge with TWUA, and TWUA came to feel that merger with a smaller and weaker union like UTW would compound, not solve, problems.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
09:05
|
More on TWUA/UTW Cooperation : In September, TWUA contributed money to a UTW local which was having a strike. TWUA policy was to maintain good relations with UTW locals. If TWUA was concerned about good relations with the UTW, the strike contribution would have been made through the UTW International office.
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|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
10:00
|
TWUA and Merger Attempts with the Industrial Trades Union (ITU) : ITU was a small union located in Woonsocket, Rhode Island. Merger with TWUA was never effected, and the ITU eventually dissolved with TWUA picking up some of the locals.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
11:00
|
Merger Talks with Other Unions : Oil, Atomic, and Chemical Workers Union was a likely choice because of its involvement in the synthetic industry. Consideration was given to merger with the Steel Workers, but the two unions did not have enough in common. TWUA had the most affinity with the ACW.
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|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
11:55
|
The Merger with ACW : ACW was selected for merger because of this affinity and because in Europe the textile and garment workers were in one union. Another factor was that ACW wanted the TWUA; two unions that were suffering difficult times saw they could help each other. Stetin and DuChessi pushed ACW over the Oil, Atomic, and Chemical Workers because they thought the latter was having more difficulties.
|
|
Tape/Side
7/2
Time
15:30
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The Major Hurdles to Merger : Had to take care of the Executive Board; had to make sure there was a separate Textile Division so that TWUA would not lose its identity; and also had to take care of the International officers.
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Tape/Side
7/2
Time
16:35
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Opposition to Merger : Basically the few that opposed the merger did so because they did not want to see TWUA lose its identity.
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Tape/Side
7/2
Time
17:55
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Gordon's Opinion of the Merger : It was the “finest thing we ever did.” Organizing hasn't improved, but good results are already showing with the J.P. Stevens drive.
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Tape/Side
7/2
Time
18:55
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Merger Possibilities when Pollock Was President : Never talked of merger, except with a weaker union.
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Tape/Side
7/2
Time
19:50
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Gordon's Most Exciting Period with TWUA : The hard work, respect, and success of the period when he was named Assistant Dyers Division Director. After he became Director, it was not exciting because it was more a case of “attending funerals.” Gordan's second most gratifying experience was when Pollock, his adversary, asked him in 1968 to merge the Pension Funds, acknowledging his administrative capabilities.
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