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Barish, Lawrence S.; Theobald, H. Rupert (ed.) / State of Wisconsin 1991-1992 Blue Book

Wisconsin political parties,   pp. [833]-868 PDF (16.1 MB)

Page 861

diplomatic establishment. In addition, we favor the repeal of the Logan Act,
which prohibits private Ameri-
can citizens from engaging in diplomatic negotiations with foreign governments.
  We recognize that foreign governments might violate the rights of Americans
traveling, living, or owning
property abroad, just as those governments violate the rights of their own
citizens. We condemn all such
violations, whether the victims are U.S. citizens or not.
  Any effort, however, to extend the protection of the United States government
to U.S. citizens when they or
their property fall within the jurisdiction of a foreign government involves
potential military intervention. We
therefore call upon the United Statesgovernment to adhere rigidly to the
principle that all U.S. citizens travel,
live, and own property abroad at their own risk. In particular, we oppose
- as unjust tax-supported subsidy
- any protection of the foreign investments of U.S. citizens or businesses.
  The issuance of U.S. passports should cease. We look forward to an era
in which American citizens and
foreigners can travel anywhere in the world without a passport. We aim to
restore a world in which there are
no passports, visas, or other papers required to cross borders. So long as
U.S. passports are issued, they
should be issued to all individuals without discrimination and should not
be revoked for any reason.
  We condemn the violations of human rights in all nations around the world.
We particularly abhor the
widespread and increasing use of torture ior interrogation and punishment.
We call upon all the world's
governments to fully implement the principles and prescriptions contained
in this platform and thereby usher
in a new age of international harmony based upon the universal reign of liberty.
  Until such a global triumph for liberty, we support both political and
revolutionary actions by individuals
and groups against governments that violate rights. We recognize the right
of all people to resist tyranny and
defend themselves and their rights. We condemn, however, the use of force,
and especially the use of terrorism,
against the innocent, regardless of whether such acts are committed by governments
or by political and revolu-
tionary groups.
  The violation of rights and liberty by other governments can never justify
foreign intervention by the United
States government. Today, no government is innocent of violating human rigfits
and liberty, and none can
approach the issue with clean hands. In keeping with our goal of peaceful
international relations, we call upon
the United States government to cease its hypocrisy and its sullying of the
good name of human rights. Only
private individuals and organizations have any place speaking out on this
  We support withdrawal of the United States government from, and an end
to its financial support for, the
United Nations. We oppose U.S. government participation in any world or international
  We recognize the right to political secession. This includes the right
to secession by political entities, private
groups, or individuals. Exercise of this right, like the exercise of all
other rights, does not remove legal and
moral obligations not to violate the rights of others.
 Any U.S. military policy should have the objective of providing security
for the lives liberty and property of
 the American people in the U.S. against the risk of attack by a foreign
power. This objective should be
 achieved as inexpensively as possible and without undermining the liberties
it is designed to protect.
   We recognize that the one significant existing risk of foreign aggression
against Americans is the huge Soviet
arsenal of nuclear weapons. The potential use of Soviet, and U.S., nuclear
weapons is the greatest threat to all
the peoples of the world, not only Americans. Thus, the objective should
be to reduce the risk that a nuclear
war might begin and its scope if it does.
  We reject the policy of massive nuclear retaliation known as Mutual Assured
Destruction (MAD), a policy
which ostensibly deters an attack by threatening to kill hundreds of millions
of innocent people in the attack-
er's country and utterly destroy its society. MAD is immoral on its face
and impractical because neither the
U.S. nor the Soviet government continues to believe in its credibility. Furthermore,
MAD provides no defense
against irrational or accidental nuclear attack.
  We call on both the U.S. and Soviet governments to continue negotiations
toward mutual reduction of
nuclear armaments, to the end that all such weapons will ultimately be eliminated,
under such conditions of
verification as to ensure mutual security. During arms reduction negotiations,
and to enhance their progress,
the U.S. should begin the retirement of some of its nuclear weapons as proof
of its commitment. Because the
U.S. has many more thousands of nuclear weapons than are currently required,
beginning the process of arms
reduction would not jeopardize American security..U.S. weapons of indiscriminate
mass destruction should
be replaced with smaller weapons aimed solely at military targets and not
designed or targeted to kill millions
of civilians.
  We call on the U.S. government to remove its nuclear weapons from Europe.
If European countries want
nuclear weapons on their soil, they should take full responsibility for them
and pay the cost.
  We call for the replacement of MAD, or nuclear war fighting policies, with
a policy of developing cost-
effective defensive systems. Accordingly, we advocate termination of the
1972 ABM treaty or any future
agreement which would prevent defensive systems on U.S. territory or in earth
  We call for the withdrawal of all American military personnel stationed
abroad, including the countries of
NATO Europe, Japan, the Philippines Central America and South Korea. There
is no current or foreseeable
risk of any conventional military attack on the American people, particularly
from long distances. We call for
the withdrawal of the U.S. from commitments to engage in war on behalf of
other governments and for
abandonment of doctrines supporting military intervention such as the Monroe
Doctrine and the Reagan
  We call for the reform of the Presidential War Powers Act to end the President's
power to initiate military
action, and for the abrogation of all Presidential declarations of "states
of emergency." There must be no
further secret commitments and unilateral acts of military intervention by
the Executive Branch.
   We favor a Constitutional amendment limiting the presidential role as
Commander-in-Chief to its original
meaning, namely that of the head of the armed forces in wartime. The Commander-in-Chief
role, correctly
understood, confers no additional authority on the President.

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