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Information bulletin
(January 1952)

McCloy, John J.
Germany's future,   pp. 7-9 PDF (1.8 MB)


Page 8

FOUR BASIC REASONS why the European communi-
ty must be established present themselves:
1. It is the only reasonable prospect for European
peace.
2. It is the only reasonable prospect for lasting Euro-
pean freedom.
3. It is the only way by which the people of Europe
can achieve and maintain a substantially higher standard
of living.
4. It is the way to assure the continuing interest of
the United States.
Within Europe the old nationalisms have produced war
every other generation and sometimes every generation
for hundreds of years. Common interests have been
subordinated to narrow national interests. Alliances have
been formed and broken with such regularity that Euro-
pean statesmen have, until the present, taken it for
granted that their policy must accept the concept of
recurrent wars.
With the elimination of such nationalism, these intra-
European issues would fall into their proper perspective,
and outside Europe countries which have heretofore
been drawn into European struggles would gain some
hope of avoiding further need for intervention. More-
over, with the organization of Europe there would be
an offset of the monolithic-totalita.rian pressure from the
East and the temptation of easy conquest would be
eliminated.
It is nonsense to say that the United States seeks war
or seeks to integrate Europe in order to make this
continent a cat's-paw of American policy. We are
pressing for European unification solely so that Europe,
and thus the United States, can avoid war; so that Europe
can live in freedom and dignity. Our whole policy is
the policy of defense to maintain the peace. It is the
antithesis of a design for war.
L ET US FACE THE FACTS of the present situation
facts that have been presented in stark outline to
American officials periodically by European statesmen,
political and party leaders during the past six years.
No single European nation is strong enough to stand
alone against the threat of totalitarianism posed by the
Kremlin. No single European nation is strong enough to
withstand the social and economic pressures within its
own boundaries. Not one is in a position to maintain of
its own strength a developing standard of living for
its people. Not one is able to meet its own financial
needs for defense purposes; not one is able to defend
itself alone.
Something, you will agree, is basically wrong. Yet in
Europe there exist immense economic and spiritual re-
sources, noble talents and fine skills. They are fully
adequate to any purpose. Within a large, unified com-
munity these resources, talents and skills - these spirit-
ual qualities - would have room to prosper. Within this
community there would be room for local differences,
various cultures, many interests. Within this community
there would be the wide horizon, the large markets, the
INFORMATION BULLETIN
great opportunities for youth. In other words -.in this
European community there would be hope.
The great Europeans have stressed this concept and
need for centuries. In this country Goethe, who knew
neither boundaries nor local patriotisms, recognized it;
Schiller embraced the millions; Beethoven was a spirit
who soared above the nations. Your own greatest states-
men accept and support it, as do millions of Germans.
Today the opportunity presents itself as never before in
European history. And at no time in German history
was the time more propitious for constructive political
action in this field.
3HE GERMAN PEOPLE can play a leading role. Their
geographic position, their need, for support and
friends from among other nations, their need for outlets
for their young people, for their products, all point to the
urgency of the problem from the German point of view.
The division of this country provides an additional
impetus, for the only way in which German unification
can be achieved on the basis of freedom and democracy
is German partnership with the free Western nations.
No division through the middle of Germany can persist
in the face of the strength and moral pressure such an
integration would present.
The time for decision approaches. The Federal Parlia-
ment, the leaders of all parties, the people of this coun-
try will soon have to throw their weight for or against
the first definite steps to be taken toward European
integration, of which the Schuman Plan and the Euro-
pean army are only the first.
The German people would, I feel, fail to live up to
their own best tradition if they did not take affirmative
action on these great undertakings. The great contribu-
tions made by Germans to our common civilization have
been positive acts of faith. German science and industry,
German music, philosophy and poetry were not the
creations of men who were narrow, provincial, always
negative, always saying "No." They were the achieve-
ments of men who had a world outlook, men who knew
the ways of life. And this generation of Germans now
emerging from the most destructive, and in many re-
spects the most provincial chapter in German history,
should be the first to become good Europeans.
I STRONGLY SUGGEST that the significant steps must
be taken in the next six months. If they are not, the
totalitarian pressures to which each individual nation
is exposed will increase. Moreover, the continued inter-
est and support of the people of the United States can-
not be taken for granted if a reorganization of this
economic and political system, which has required so
much sacrifice and treasures on the part of the outside
world, does not take place.
It should also be remembered that a political year of
great decisions, such as the presidential election, is com-
ing up in the United States and that these decisions
will not remain unaffected by the positive or negative
attitude which the European peoples and leaders are
showing.
JANUARY 1952
8


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