McCloy, John J.
Germany's future, pp. 7-9 PDF (1.8 MB)
FOUR BASIC REASONS why the European communi- ty must be established present themselves: 1. It is the only reasonable prospect for European peace. 2. It is the only reasonable prospect for lasting Euro- pean freedom. 3. It is the only way by which the people of Europe can achieve and maintain a substantially higher standard of living. 4. It is the way to assure the continuing interest of the United States. Within Europe the old nationalisms have produced war every other generation and sometimes every generation for hundreds of years. Common interests have been subordinated to narrow national interests. Alliances have been formed and broken with such regularity that Euro- pean statesmen have, until the present, taken it for granted that their policy must accept the concept of recurrent wars. With the elimination of such nationalism, these intra- European issues would fall into their proper perspective, and outside Europe countries which have heretofore been drawn into European struggles would gain some hope of avoiding further need for intervention. More- over, with the organization of Europe there would be an offset of the monolithic-totalita.rian pressure from the East and the temptation of easy conquest would be eliminated. It is nonsense to say that the United States seeks war or seeks to integrate Europe in order to make this continent a cat's-paw of American policy. We are pressing for European unification solely so that Europe, and thus the United States, can avoid war; so that Europe can live in freedom and dignity. Our whole policy is the policy of defense to maintain the peace. It is the antithesis of a design for war. L ET US FACE THE FACTS of the present situation facts that have been presented in stark outline to American officials periodically by European statesmen, political and party leaders during the past six years. No single European nation is strong enough to stand alone against the threat of totalitarianism posed by the Kremlin. No single European nation is strong enough to withstand the social and economic pressures within its own boundaries. Not one is in a position to maintain of its own strength a developing standard of living for its people. Not one is able to meet its own financial needs for defense purposes; not one is able to defend itself alone. Something, you will agree, is basically wrong. Yet in Europe there exist immense economic and spiritual re- sources, noble talents and fine skills. They are fully adequate to any purpose. Within a large, unified com- munity these resources, talents and skills - these spirit- ual qualities - would have room to prosper. Within this community there would be room for local differences, various cultures, many interests. Within this community there would be the wide horizon, the large markets, the INFORMATION BULLETIN great opportunities for youth. In other words -.in this European community there would be hope. The great Europeans have stressed this concept and need for centuries. In this country Goethe, who knew neither boundaries nor local patriotisms, recognized it; Schiller embraced the millions; Beethoven was a spirit who soared above the nations. Your own greatest states- men accept and support it, as do millions of Germans. Today the opportunity presents itself as never before in European history. And at no time in German history was the time more propitious for constructive political action in this field. 3HE GERMAN PEOPLE can play a leading role. Their geographic position, their need, for support and friends from among other nations, their need for outlets for their young people, for their products, all point to the urgency of the problem from the German point of view. The division of this country provides an additional impetus, for the only way in which German unification can be achieved on the basis of freedom and democracy is German partnership with the free Western nations. No division through the middle of Germany can persist in the face of the strength and moral pressure such an integration would present. The time for decision approaches. The Federal Parlia- ment, the leaders of all parties, the people of this coun- try will soon have to throw their weight for or against the first definite steps to be taken toward European integration, of which the Schuman Plan and the Euro- pean army are only the first. The German people would, I feel, fail to live up to their own best tradition if they did not take affirmative action on these great undertakings. The great contribu- tions made by Germans to our common civilization have been positive acts of faith. German science and industry, German music, philosophy and poetry were not the creations of men who were narrow, provincial, always negative, always saying "No." They were the achieve- ments of men who had a world outlook, men who knew the ways of life. And this generation of Germans now emerging from the most destructive, and in many re- spects the most provincial chapter in German history, should be the first to become good Europeans. I STRONGLY SUGGEST that the significant steps must be taken in the next six months. If they are not, the totalitarian pressures to which each individual nation is exposed will increase. Moreover, the continued inter- est and support of the people of the United States can- not be taken for granted if a reorganization of this economic and political system, which has required so much sacrifice and treasures on the part of the outside world, does not take place. It should also be remembered that a political year of great decisions, such as the presidential election, is com- ing up in the United States and that these decisions will not remain unaffected by the positive or negative attitude which the European peoples and leaders are showing. JANUARY 1952 8
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