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Information bulletin
(June 1951)

Reber, Samuel
US policy in Europe,   pp. [15]-19 PDF (3.0 MB)

Page 17

Europe. This was not mere philanthropy. It was calculated
m clism. We have recognized the necessity of overcoming
tie mass starvation and unrest upon which Communism
thlives, and of creating the conditions essential for a
deniocratic life. Too many Europeans have come to
sesociate democracy with governmental impotence and
e cinomic sickness. We are determined to do all within
ol' power to associate democracy with economic health
,,(Il political competence.
(,cimany has shared in this economic revival and
inch(led has contributed to it. Only recently, the third
cinniversary of ECA assistance was marked by the attain-
niuit of a level of production far surpassing that of the
Inosl prosperous prewar years. It is true there exist
seriotis unemployment and grave economic problems
which challenge the statesmanship of the Federal Republic
to ie utmost. But the progress achieved gives promise
1ll these obstacles will be overcome as have even more
serious ones in the past. The apathy of the postwar years
is melting before these signs of progress.
Mi. McCloy stated about a year ago, however, that we
aue not here exclusively to feed the German people and
promote economic recovery. Our main purpose, he
emphasized, is to help the German people establish a
political democracy in which they can live as free men
,iii enjoy the benefits of their freedom. Now I should
like to project this idea to the whole of Europe.
U I R AMERICAN TRADITION, it might be said, is one
of unqualified democracy. We believe in democracy;
as the noblest idea that ever swelled a human heart with
piidc we have built our national life upon it. But we are
not cultural imperialists. We do not seek to impose the
pattern of our institutions upon the peoples of Europe.
Although we believe that every people must work out its
ewn political salvation, we are also convinced the demo-
fratic ideal is large enough to embrace cultural diversity
aind in fact encourages it.
oe believe, nevertheless, that the peace of Europe will
never be secure until the governments respond to the
will of their peoples and safeguard those basic human
fieictoms which are universally recognized as the founda-
tion of civilized life. The United States accordingly has
useid its influence and its means to foster the growth of
dlemnocratic institutions and ideas throughout Europe.
It has repeatedly protested against the subversion of
ctieiiocracy and the denial of human rights by the Coin-
munist-controlled governments of Eastern Europe.
It has countered the Communist offensive against Eu-
iope with a strategy of freedom which seeks to enlarge the
inleirnational community of free peoples and to bulwark
thi lt c ommunity against its enemies both within andwithout.
It is a cardinal purpose of our policy that Germany
should be enabled to establish its democratic life upon a
lusting basis. For Germany we feel a special responsibility
he- uose it was here that a perverted regime arose which
alioost destroyed Europe. Our policy has been, in associa-
tinl with our Allies and with Germans of good will, to
0out out every vestige of that regime and of the force
which created it.
Small section of tremendous turnout, estimated at 600,000,
is shown in this photo of May Day observance in Berlin.
West Berliners of all ages and every stratum converged
on island city's vast Platz der Republik, near Soviet Sector
boundary, in significant display of Western solidarity.
Our policy in Germany is not, however, only to curb
the forces of evil. We have striven consistently to vitalize
the positive forces of German democracy. Democratic
state and local governments have been established and a
Federal Government created whose powers only recently
have been enlarged. We are moving toward the goal of
full equality and partnership for Germany in the Western
community. We have devoted large resources and efforts
to the endeavor to give positive assistance and encourage-
ment to democratic elements within Germany and to
enable them to build a truly democratic society.
N OW I WISH TO SPEAK FRANKLY of the great danger
Nin which Europe -and all free nations - stand today.
Europe is in peril today from the menace of international
Communism bolstered by the armies of the Soviet Union
and its satellites. That peril America recognizes and
shares. We in America have scrapped the concept of
national defense in the narrower sense. Recent Congres-
sional action to approve the sending of new divisions to
Europe is clear evidence of this. Our government and
our people have acknowledged that freedom is indivisible,
that there can be only joint defense and that an attack
on one is an attack on all. We have acted in Korea. We
have acted in Europe where, as yet, the Communist forces
have utilized only the paraphernalia of indirect aggres-
sion -of intimidation, pressure, and subversion and con-
quest by default.
In Europe we are well on the way to creating a struc-
ture of security through the North Atlantic Treaty Organi-
zation, which will ultimately command greater resources
than any potential enemy or group of enemies. Western
Europe, together with America, has the most advanced
science, the greatest industrial production and the largest
pool of skilled manpower in the world. There is needed
only a strong spirit and a determined will to mobilize
these resources for effective defense.
I I N:  1 ' I 91,

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