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Bunk, Brian D., 1968-; Pack, Sasha D.; Scott, Carl-Gustaf (ed.) / Nation and conflict in modern Spain: essays in honor of Stanley G. Payne
(2008)
Esenwein. George Richard
The Cold War and the Spanish Civil War: the impact of politics on historiography, pp. 175-189 ff.
Page 185
The Cold War and the Spanish Civil War not an example of an historian who was being guided solely by his anti-Communist convic- tions.16 There is not space here to evaluate the impact that the opening of former Soviet ar- chives have had on the revisionists' case against Bolloten and Orwell. Suffice it to say that the bulk of these documents-such as the formerly classified papers that have long been buried in the Soviet Military Archive (RGVA) and Russian Institute of General History of the Russian Academy of Sciences-reinforce the central arguments found in both Orwell's and Bolloten's studies. Interpretation In presenting their brief against Orwell and Bolloten, the revisionists emphasize their anti- Communist conclusions. In so doing they ignore the fact that it was not the intention of either author to write a diatribe or expose of the Communists. (A classic example of the lat- ter is Alexander Orlov's The Secret History of Stalin's Crimes (1953), which appeared at the height of McCarthyism.) Rather, both were concerned with recording notable episodes of the war with which they were intimately acquainted. In writing their respective accounts it became immediately apparent that their viewpoints contradicted the Communists' version of the war. While Orwell accepted their presentation of the war as an international struggle against Fascism, he violently rejected their attempts to demonize their left-wing adversaries. At the time, orthodox Communist views of the revolutionary left in Spain and elsewhere were heavily influenced by Stalinist politics and thus were generally immune from factual considerations. There are plenty examples of how the Communists manufactured their ver- sion of the truth during the war-perhaps the most famous being their elaborate efforts throughout the war to project their rivals in the Republican zone as enemies of the people. Because Trotsky and his followers had already been cast into this sinister role before the outbreak of hostilities in Spain, it was hardly surprising that the Stalinists indiscriminately attached this label to all republican groups that opposed their policies. Given its ties to the international anti-Stalinist movement (including to Trotsky himself), the POUM was easily transformed by this twist of logic into a Trotskyist party that was harboring spies and provo- cateurs who were acting in the service of international Fascism. In so doing the Communists were merely repeating a pattern of denunciatory behavior which they were more famously exhibiting in the Soviet Union during the show trials of Zinoviev, Kamenev, and other veter- ans of the Russian Revolution. Yet this obvious parallel was overlooked by pro-Communists as well as by those Republicans who held all revolutionaries in contempt. As a result, the burden of exposing the lies and distortions that emanated from Communist publications fell on the shoulders of their left-wing rivals. Despite their best efforts, however, the POUM's left-wing supporters-a group that included such formidable intellects as Orwell, Franz Borkenau, Sidney Hook, and Bertram Wolfe-lost their war of words with the Communists 185
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