Bunk, Brian D., 1968-; Pack, Sasha D.; Scott, Carl-Gustaf (ed.) / Nation and conflict in modern Spain: essays in honor of Stanley G. Payne
Bunk, Brian D., 1968-
"A shape note of pugnacity" : conservative youth groups in Spain, 1914-1939, pp. 15-29 ff.
NATION AND CONFLICT IN MODERN SPAIN nized the need to educate the flood of new members attracted to the Nationalist cause, in- cluding young people. In addition, Franco viewed the regime of Primo de Rivera as a model, but one whose mistakes needed to be avoided.76 The political unification of the Nationalist forces that occurred in 1937 also included the formation of a new youth organization. Much like the decision to fuse all of the conservative political organizations into the Falange Espafiola Tradicionalista de la JONS (FET), the formation of a single youth organization was designed to minimize conflict within the Nationalist forces and create an organizational foundation for the new regime. It also seems that the disorientation and chaos that followed the start of the war had allowed for a great deal of local autonomy and the military admin- istration wished to eliminate that freedom. Sancho Daivila characterized the situation during the first few months of the war as an "abundance of improvisations" when many "impi- ous" individuals flocked to join the Nationalists.77 Clearly the regime viewed young people with both optimism and apprehension. The lessons of previous youth groups had clearly demonstrated the political and social power of young people. After all, the agitations of the young Maurists had sped the downfall of the Restoration system while the actions of stu- dent protestors contributed to the resignation of Primo de Rivera. However, the leaders of the military rising also understood that when given too much autonomy, the youth groups could become unpredictable and uncontrollable. Therefore, the new youth group needed to be highly organized and completely under the discipline of its adult leaders. The new group, called Organizacion Juvenil, was officially launched on May 28, 1938. It was designed "to shape [youth] ideologically, physically and technically" and to provide future members of the FET.78 The movement's two primary goals were the development of Catholic values and paramilitary training. Through each they emphasized values such as discipline, subordina- tion, and cooperation. As a result, the political power of young people diminished-at least until student protests of 1956 initiated a new generation of youth mobilization. Notes 1. See, Anne E. Gorsuch, Youth in Revolutionary Russia: Enthusiasts, Bohemians, Delinquents (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000); Tracy H. Koon, Believe, Obey, Fight: Political Socialization of Youth in Fascist Italy, 1922-1943 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), and Michael Kater, Hitler Youth (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). 2. This is not to say that youth organizations on the political left did not also play a crucial role, however, the focus of this chapter is on the role played by the political right. See, Sandra Souto Kustrin, "Taking the Street: Workers' Youth Organizations and the Political Conflict in the Spanish Second Republic," European History Quarterly 34, no. 2 (2004): 131-56 and Sandra Souto Kustrin, "Entre el Parlemento y la calle: pollticas gubernamentales y organizaciones juveniles en la Segunda Repfiblica," Ayer 59, no. 3 (2005): 97-122. For the development of youth groups in Barcelona see, Joan B. Culla y Clara, "Ni tan j6venes, ni tan barbaros. La Juventudes en el republicanismo lerrouxis- ta barcelon&s," Ayer 59, no. 3 (2005): 51-67, and Enric Ucelay-Da Cal, "Los 'malos de la pelicula': la Joventuts d'Fsquerra Republicana-Estat Catalfi y Ia problem~itica de un 'fascismo catalhn,'" Ayer 59, no. 3 (2005): 147-72. 3. The quotation is from Stanley Payne, Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977 (Madison: University of Wisconsin 26
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