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Bunk, Brian D., 1968-; Pack, Sasha D.; Scott, Carl-Gustaf (ed.) / Nation and conflict in modern Spain: essays in honor of Stanley G. Payne
(2008)

Bunk, Brian D., 1968-
"A shape note of pugnacity" : conservative youth groups in Spain, 1914-1939,   pp. 15-29 ff.


Page 24

NATION AND CONFLICT IN MODERN SPAIN 
a journal called J.A.P. Officially the party disdained political violence,
but the aggressive 
tone of the journal belied such notions. Articles continually spoke of the
need to "smash," 
"crush," and "annihilate" foreign invaders who threatened
the integrity of a unified and 
powerful Spain.62 Other writings attacked the liberal parliamentary system
and exhorted 
readers to defend religion and the social order.63 The JAP appropriated the
trappings of 
Fascism, including the development of a cult of personality surrounding the
leader, or jefe, 
Gil Robles. In a gesture perhaps taken from the activities of the Juventud
Maurista, the 
JAP even produced Gil Robles cigarette papers. Because Gil Robles had attended
and had 
been favorably impressed by the Nuremburg rallies, the JAP organized its
own mass meet- 
ings. These events were characterized by the presence of banners and cadres
of uniformed 
japistas displaying the organization's symbol. The imagery featured the Cross
of Victory 
on a white background (to symbolize purity) surrounded by a red field (to
recall the blood 
of martyrs).64 The leadership of the CEDA also utilized the meetings as an
opportunity to 
announce major new initiatives, especially those that could be potentially
controversial. The 
decision to finally enter the government, an event that triggered the October
revolution, 
was made at a JAP rally in September 1934.65 The JAP used violent rhetoric
to construct 
a political movement dedicated to replacing the Republican system with something
more 
authoritarian, although the exact nature of this new state remained undeveloped.
The para- 
doxical rhetoric emanating from the JAP, in which exhortations to aggressive
defense were 
combined with renunciations of physical violence, could only function in
relationship with a 
political organization supremely confident in its ability to win power. Following
the CEDA's 
defeat at the polls in 1936, many japistas lost faith in the legal means
to achieving power 
and either fled the organization to join more aggressive groups or left politics
altogether.66 
Although the exodus of membership was not as great as has been assumed, it
is clear that 
the relatively legalist option had by that point run its course. Many japistas
flocked to other, 
more militantly violent groups such as the FE and Carlists, while others
began to actively 
join the nascent military conspiracy.67 
While many of the conservatives who first learned the value of mobilizing
young peo- 
ple worked within the CEDA during the Republic, others resisted the Catholic
parties 'ac- 
cidentalist' attitude and remained committed monarchists. Alfonsine monarchists
such as 
Goicoechea and Calvo Sotelo eventually created Renovacion Espafiol (RE).
Throughout the 
Republic, RE was one of the most recalcitrant enemies of the constitutional
system.68 The 
organization's youth movement, called Juventud de Renovacion Espaiola (JRE),
was devel- 
oped to form the political vanguard of the movement and eventually took on
some fascist 
characteristics including uniforms (gray shirts and green berets) and a salute.
From the start, 
JRE remained completely subordinate to the main party because the leadership
feared giving 
the organization too much autonomy. Within months, however, the young members
of JRE 
were engaging in street fights and gun battles, culminating with the murder
of an anarchist 
worker in April 1933. Eventually RE cracked down on the most violent elements
of JRE and 
2 4 


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