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Kaminski, John P.; Saladino, Gaspare J.; Moore, Timothy D. (Historian); Lannér-Cusin, Johanna E.; Schoenleber, Charles H.; Reid, Jonathan M.; Flamingo, Margaret R.; Fields, David P. (ed.) / Ratification of the Constitution by the states: Maryland (1)
(2015)
I. The debate over the Constitution in Maryland, 17 September-30 November 1787, pp. 3-67
Page 59
COMMENTARIES, 20 NOVEMBER 1787 men of virtue stand in need of no apology for having opposed the enemies to the new Constitution; but if justice requires the infliction of punishment, it has already overtaken their propagator, who, in deal- ing out his abuse, has exhibited to the world a fresh proof of the mild and milky nature of his mind, which broods with extreme delight upon indiscriminate slander. In a piece expressly written in defence of the instructions, the public had a right to expect a clear and explicit disavowal of their object, with a declaration that their patrons intended them to promote the adoption of the new Constitution; but, instead of this disavowal and declaration, the In- structor slides away into another path, contenting himself with saying as he goes off, that "they were printed that every person might read and see the meaning of them;" as if the "most virtuous and sensible part of the community," were so stupid as to take this for reasoning, or so illiterate, that a thing must be in print to enable them to read and un- derstand it. Having delivered this excellent defence of the instructions, he pro- ceeds to charge the authors of the piece in the Maryland Gazette of the 6th,2 (for he is pleased to consider it as the joint efforts of many) with being persons who "do not wish the people to think at all; but want to be permitted to think for them; for nothing, he adds, will satisfy them but being elevated to the supreme dignity of dictators." As this is a charge of a high and heinous nature, let us see how he supports it. It rests upon his simple assertion. What an evidence for such a charge! But let us read what this culprit has to say in his own defence. He contends that it would be the highest insult which could be offered to a free people to desire them not to form any opinion or judgment concerning the new Constitution; for, no "free man, he says, who has a sense of the value of liberty, or who is not dead to all dignity of the human char- acter, would delegate to any body of men, a right to reject what he ap- proved of or to fix upon him and his posterity, what he dreaded as the worst of all tyrannies." Is this like the language of a person who does not wish the people to think at all? But Instructor stands guilty himself of the very crime he has accused another. Under the signature of Caution, this writer, addressing himself to the inhabitants of Baltimore, when about to sign a petition approving of the new Constitution, says, "In my opinion it is not necessary or proper for you, at this time, to express your approbation or disapprobation of the new Constitution."3 How modest, to desire his fellow-citizens to suspend the faculties of thought! In the present instance, he carries this humor much further, and plainly tells the people, in Instructor, they are too ignorant to know what is good or bad, or what ought, or ought not 59
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