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Documents on Germany, 1944-1959: background documents on Germany, 1944-1959, and a chronology of political developments affecting Berlin, 1945-1956

Address by Premier Khrushchev at a Soviet-Polish meeting, on Germany and Berlin, November 10, 1958 [extract],   pp. 308-312 PDF (2.2 MB)

Page 309

Union, the United States of America, Britain and France with a pro-
posal to call a new four-power meeting to settle for the Germans, and
without the Germans, the question of the unification of their country.
But this is nothing but a continuation of the old, unrealistic policy
which is contrary to common sense and devoid of legal justification.
No powers have the right to interfere in the internal affairs of the
German Democratic Republic and to dictate their will to it.
We quite understand the German people's natural yearning for the
restoration of their national unity. But German militarists and their
American patrons are using these heart-felt national sentiments for
purposes that have nothing to do either with the reunification of Ger-
many or with ensuring a lasting peace in Europe. The militaristic
circles of Western Germany are in fact following the road of widen-
ing the division of the country and'preparing military adventures.
If the West German government really wanted reunification, it would
have followed the only way leading to this, the way of establishing
contacts with the government of the German Democratic Republic,
the way of agreement that would suit both the German Democratic
Republic and -the Federal Republic of Germany.
The German question, in the sense of the reunification of the two
German states now in existence, can only be settled by the German
people themselves along the lines of rapprockuement between these
states. The conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany is an entirely
different matter which, indeed, should be settled primarily by -the
four powers which formed the anti-Hitler coalition, in co-operation
with representatives of Germany. The signing of a peace treaty with
Germany would help to normalise the entire situation in Germany and
in Europe in general. The Soviet Union has proposed and is- propos-
ing that this measure should be tackled without delay.
If one were to speak of the four powers' undertakings with regard
to Germany, one should speak of undertakings springing from the
Potsdam Agreement.
Let us recall what were the main undertakings that the parties to
the Potsdam Agreement assumed with regard to their policy in Ger-
many, what was the way that Potsdam indicated for the development
of Germany.
At that time, the members of the anti-Hitler coalition assumed clear-
cut and definite undertakings: To extirpate German militarism, -to
prevent its resurgence once and for all, to do everything to prevent
Germany from ever again threatening her neighbours or world' peace.
The parties to the Potsdam Agreement also found it necessary to
put an end to German fascism, to block its revival in Germany, to
curb all fascist activities and propaganda.
Another important component of the Potsdam Agreement was an
undertaking to liquidate the rule of cartels, syndicates and other
monopolies in the German economy, that is, forces that had brought
Hitler to power and had encouraged and financed his military gambles.
Such was the substance of the agreements concluded in Potsdam in
And what do we have today, more than 13 years after the Potsdam
Conference? No one can' deny that the Soviet Union, for its part,
has scrnpulously observed these agreements and that they have been
carried out in full in the eastern part of Germany, the German

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