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Information bulletin
(June 1951)

Reber, Samuel
US policy in Europe,   pp. [15]-19 PDF (3.0 MB)

Page 19

Stindard-bearer at Berlin May Day rally stands below
1l st German Trade Union (DGB) display bearing slogan
I' cc, in freedom.          (Photos by Jacoby, PRD HICOG)
0 1ih will inspire the common men and women of Europe,
iml albove all its youth, to new hope and a dedicated
li pose to create a new community.
I-he United States believes that a new European com-
i lity is the best insurance of peace and of prosperity.
11 will mean new strength based upon the united power
of iec peoples. And this new Europe, we feel, can not
>1St ds a "third force" in a world still menaced by the
tic ,at of totalitarian aggression. It must add its strength
io LIcdt of other free peoples everywhere in their common
ctid'advor to create that power under law which alone
(la cestablish and maintain a lasting peace.
,\ 'ITIIIN THIS UNITED EUROPE it is imperative that
Germany take its part. This is true for several
r ,i;ofis. Only through the inclusion of Germany in the
Eliiiipian community can her neighbors be assured that
a i.vived and strengthened Germany will never be in a
p~oshiion to seek military or political domination over
otliX peoples. Moreover, the great human and material
rrsaitces of Germany are necessary to the new Europe.
a united Europe without Germany is inconceivable.
It'' Germany needs Europe just as Europe needs Ger-
llw iv. And Germany can not remain aloof, under any
hit instances. Failure to integrate Germany with Europe
-ulild only mean its eventual absorption into the Soviet
OMi it and its subservience to the dictates of a foreign
oil)iu ossor.
1 lie Germans themselves, I am confident, are over-
i' lilningly in favor of integration with Europe. This has
in indicated by much recent evidence, including an
1: I1'.11
opinion poll in this city (Munich) on the question of
European federation. But there is a related problem of
which I must speak. It is the problem of German unification.
The United States favors the reunification of Germany
tnder a democratic regime. It has striven consistently
toward this goal since Potsdam. The world well knows
who has thwarted the aspirations of Germans everywhere
for unity. The Soviets have disrupted Germany, as they
have disrupted Europe, with the clear intent to extend
totalitarian Communism over all areas which they can
control by force or intimidation. The Western Powers
have united 70 percent of the German people under a
democratic government which is rapidly evolving toward
full independence and equal partnership in the associa-
tion of free nations. They have repeatedly asserted their
desire for a restoration of German unity on the basis of
free elections and full assurances of democratic proce-
dures and human rights.
The stumbling block to unity today is the determina-
tion of the Kremlin and its puppet regime in the East zone
to accept unity only on terms which would expose all
Germany to the threat of Communist domination. Such
terms both the Bonn Government and the Allies have re-
jected. But we shall not renounce our purpose of bringing
the Federal Republic within the community of free Europe.
And we shall press with renewed vigor for an ultimate
solution of the German problem which will join the long-
suffering courageous people of East Germany with their
brethren of the West and reunite them with the free world.
I TRUST THAT MY SURVEY of United States policy in
Europe today has shown that our young nation of the
West has confidence in the enduring vitality of Europe.
We do not share the Communist belief that the ancient
civilization of Europe has run its course, that it is in-
fected with decay and ready to fall an easy prey to
onslaught from the East. It is Communism itself that is a
throwback to ancient tyranny, and it is Europe that has
nurtured and preserved the abiding values of human and
Christian culture upon which we must build.
The United States does not despair of an ultimate and
peaceful resolution of world tensions. It is prepared to
do its part to bring this about, as the long and tedious
deliberations in Paris attest. The overriding purpose of
our government, let me assert again, is not war but the
prevention of war. War is most likely to come to Europe
if the Kremlin is convinced that Europe is a "soft" area
whose conquest can be achieved. War is not likely as
long as the united resources and energies of free Europe
and the will of its people to defend their liberties present
so formidable an obstacle to conquest that no aspirant
to world domination will venture upon an undertaking
whose end result can be only his own ruin and that of
his nation.
In the forging of this new Europe based on respect for
the dignity of the individual in a society of free men and
women, Germany has an important role to play, a role
which, however, involves responsibilities as well as
rights. It is for Germany to say whether it will fulfill this
mission, for itself, for Europe and for the world.' +END

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