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Information bulletin
(June 1951)

Reber, Samuel
US policy in Europe,   pp. [15]-19 PDF (3.0 MB)

Page 16

May Day saw an estimated 600,000 West Berliners gath-
er at the Platz der Republik, near the burned out Reichs-
tag building, for an impressive demonstration of soli-
darity with the West. Unity and freedom were keynote.
W basic objectives of United States policy are never-
theless as they have always been -peace, freedom,
security. But we now recognize that these are capable of
realization only through cooperation with other like-
minded nations, not through neutrality, not through isola-
tion. The crisis demands that America throw its whole
strength and its vast resources into the endeavors, to-
gether with other freedom-loving peoples, to create order
based on law, backed by force applied through common
This is the key to what we are trying to do on a global
scale today. Faced by the economic dislocation and
poverty brought on by the last war, and the menace of
totalitarian aggression throughout large areas of the
world, the United States is endeavoring to improve the
standards of life, to expand the area of democratic free-
doms and to create situations of strength as barriers to
Communist encroachment. This is the meaning of our
policies since 1945 as exemplified by the Marshall Plan,
our efforts to strengthen the United Nations, our support
of its action in Korea, the North Atlantic Treaty Organi-
zation, and our programs of financial and military
It is my purpose today to deal specifically with Ameri-
can policy as applied in one area of critical importance-
Europe. I can sketch it only in broadcast outline, with
special emphasis upon the significance of Germany
within that area.
Europe, with its large and industrious population and
its highly developed resources, was once the continent
from which more than half the world was ruled. We no
longer think of it, however, as the theater on which half
a dozen great states maneuver for position and power,
but shaken and weakened by two great wars it has
nevertheless not lost its importance.
The Soviet intention is clear-to bring the entire
continent or as much of it as possible within the orbit of
Communist power.
The purpose of the United States is equally clear. It is
to restore a war-ravaged continent to health and strength,
to bind up the wounds of its peoples, to aid in strengthen-
ing their faith in the reality of democratic freedoms. We
wish to see Europe a bulwark of democratic force and a
bastion of peace. We hope, along with all good Europeans,
that its ancient hatreds and traditional antagonism will
be submerged in a unity which will transcend frontiers
and join its peoples in one indissoluble community.
A T THE HEART and in the heart of Europe is Germany.
Not in the sense that the pan-Germans or the Nazis
meant it and tried to realize it, but because of the sheer
facts of geography, manpower and resources. We are
here today because we were forced to fight a war against
a Germany that challenged Europe and the free nations
of the world. Yet we are not here with vindictive intent.
We are here because there is a job to be done that is of
crucial significance for the consolidation of a free Europe
and for a peaceful world.
There can be no consolidation of Europe without Ger-
many. It is clear that either of two possible developments
would be disastrous. Either Germany's absorption into the
Soviet sphere or its emergence once again as a chau-
vinistic aggressive military power would be fatal to our
hopes for a peaceful Europe. Our objective must be the
building of a democratic Germany as an integral part of
the united community of free Europe.
Our policy, broadly viewed, is then to make Europe
an area of strength, stability and freedom. First priority
has necessarily been given to the economic reconstruc-
tion of a continent, including of course Great Britain,
whose very means of existence were fearfully disrupted
by war. Europe's great potential of productive capacities
and technical skills must be restored to their fullest
utilization for peace.
That, because of the all too obvious threat, some of
this capacity must now be diverted to military purposes
must not obscure the fact that our purpose is not war
but the prevention of war. And we believe that living
standards can and must be maintained and improved.
While all must share in the privations and sacrifices of
the present hour I do not believe that Europe is faced
with a grim choice between guns or butter.
ture is essential not only to military strength but to
political stability. It is not necessary for me to do more
than refer to the ECA and other programs of assistance
which have achieved a miracle of economic rebirth in
JUNE 1951

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