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Bunk, Brian D., 1968-; Pack, Sasha D.; Scott, Carl-Gustaf (ed.) / Nation and conflict in modern Spain: essays in honor of Stanley G. Payne
(2008)

Introduction,   pp. xi-xviii


Page xvii

the "depolitization" typical of authoritarian regimes. Payne comprehended
these jaded 
madrileos. "By 1955, if not before, Madrid was politically the most
cynical city in Europe. 
Every political ideology of the modern world had been introduced there during
the 1930s. 
Each had suffered either physical defeat in the Civil War or moral pollution
in the years 
following. There was no sign that any significant part of the population
really believed in 
anything, beyond the minority that attended church."9 Of course, fascism
or neo-fascism 
could not survive in this cynical climate, a point Payne later made in his
Fascism.' Early in 
his career, he was (and would remain) sympathetic mainly to moderation-whether
of the 
CEDA, the liberal center, or social democrats. 
Politics and the Military in Modern Spain (1967) deepened and broadened paths
which 
Falange had begun to explore. Like the latter, the former concentrated on
politics and the 
state and more precisely on the relationship between the Spanish military
and governments 
in the context of a backward society lacking a dynamic middle class, a tradition
of self-gov- 
ernment, and literate masses. As he would confirm a few years later in his
two-volume A 
History of Spain and Portugal (1973), the military was a key factor throughout
the history 
of the Iberian Peninsula. Throughout the nineteenth century many Spanish
army officers 
were liberals, but the rise of proletarian movements at the end of the century
led them to 
more conservative politics. The army's main task became the defense of the
status quo, and it 
would intervene constantly in Spanish politics during the first half of the
twentieth century. 
While Politics and the Military was, as its title indicated, centered on
politics, the au- 
thor was sensitive to military sociology and social history in general. After
all, Payne had 
dedicated his first book to Jaume Vicens Vives, the Annales School's foremost
advocate in 
Spain, whom Payne called "undoubtedly the greatest historian whom I
have ever person- 
ally known in any country."" Payne established the context of Spanish
backwardness by 
pointing out that although at the start of World War I, Spain spent more
per capita on its 
army than Russia or Austria-Hungary, the noncombat death rate of the Spanish
Army was 
nevertheless the highest in Europe. Thus, its draft evasion rate was a "fantastic
22 percent" 
of conscripts.'2 
Politics and the Military was informed throughout by national and cross-national
com- 
parisons inspired by sociology and political science. As Charles Maier has
written, all history 
is comparative history, and one of Payne's many virtues is that he makes
his comparative 
history explicit.'3 Politics and Military provides a number of stimulating
examples of the au- 
thor's alertness to historical parallels: The War of Independence against
the French was the 
first "people's war-the first modern guerrilla war."'14 Payne situated
the role of the military 
in late nineteenth-century Spain into a wider European and even global framework:
"The 
emerging credo of Spanish militarism had little in common with the aggressive
bellicosity 
infecting much of Europe at that time [after the colonial disaster of 1898].
It was not aimed 
at war or external action but rather toward enhancing the position of the
Army within the 
national structure."15s Thus it was not surprising that the Franco regime
became the longest 
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