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left-vigorously debated the resemblance. On this issue, Payne sided with
the Socialist mod- 
erates, such as Juliain Besteiro, who argued that the Spain of the 1930s
had little in common 
with the Russia of 1917 since the former had not suffered a defeat in a great
world war. The 
Spanish middle and upper classes, the Church, and the military were intact
and ready to do 
battle with revolutionaries. In fact, the "hero" of The Spanish
Revolution may be Besteiro 
(although he misunderstood the brutality of the Nazis and that of the coming
Franco re- 
gime) just as the "hero" of Politics and Military had been Miguel
Maura. Payne endorsed 
Besteiro's doubts about leftist revolutionary violence by correctly affirming
that during the 
civil war "many Spanish Catholics showed greater discipline, determination,
and self-sacrifice 
than did a large number of the secular utopians."26 
Another analogy found in The Spanish Revolution-that between the Spanish
Revolution of 1936-37 and its Hungarian predecessor of 1918-19-had major
implications 
for Payne's future work. Payne views the Spanish Revolution, like its Hungarian
counter- 
part, as part of the post-World War I revolutionary wave, a judgment which
he has recently 
confirmed in The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism.27 In
other words, 
the Spanish Civil War was not a pre-figuration of the Second World War and
should not be 
interpreted as a struggle between democracy and fascism. Instead, it must
be viewed within 
the framework of leftist revolution against rightist counter-revolution as
had occurred in 
Central and Eastern Europe after World War I. As in Hungary during 1918-19,
in Spain 
during 1936-39 the Communists became one of the main, if not the most important,
driv- 
ing force behind the revolution. Thus, Communism and the Soviet Union in
the Spanish 
Civil War were hardly "counter-revolutionary" as many leftists,
anarchists, and even some 
scholars maintain. Rather Communists worked to create in the Iberian Peninsula
a model 
of a people's democracy which the USSR would sponsor throughout Central and
Eastern 
Europe after World War II. Communist actions in Spain during the civil war
previewed what 
would occur "in the first phase of the new east European Communist regimes"
immediately 
after 1945.28 Payne followed Burnet Bolloten in arguing that the Spanish
Republic during 
the final years of the civil war foreshadowed the coming Communist domination
in ostensibly 
semipluralistic regimes after the Second World War. For example, the Partit
Socialist Unificat 
de Catalunya "was the first Socialist-Communist partido unico ever formed
in Europe."29 
Payne refines this analysis in The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and
Communism. 
Payne's recent judgment that The Spanish Revolution constituted a significant
rup- 
ture with his previous work cannot be fully sustained. Although The Spanish
Revolution 
condemned the Partido Socialista Obrero Espaiol (PSOE) and other revolutionaries
who 
sparked the Asturias Insurrection in 1934 and attributed to them primary
responsibility for 
the breakdown of representative government, he is nearly as harsh on the
CEDA. The latter, 
like the PSOE in 1933, warned that if election results did not guarantee
their basic goals, 
they would not hesitate to violate the constitution. He continued to see
Falange activists as 
likely to engage in "terrorism" as Communist, Socialist, and CNT
militants. He was also 
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