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Bunk, Brian D., 1968-; Pack, Sasha D.; Scott, Carl-Gustaf (ed.) / Nation and conflict in modern Spain: essays in honor of Stanley G. Payne
(2008)

Introduction,   pp. xi-xviii


Page xiv

lasting "military-based regime" of the twentieth century.16 In
his later work these compari- 
sons were elaborated. Franco himself was pictured as a kinder, gentler Tito.17
Both leaders 
had come to power through bloody civil wars, both adopted their personalized
versions of 
"totalitarian" models, and both used massive repression to rule
nations with powerful sepa- 
ratist movements. 
Anticipating The Spanish Revolution, Politics and the Military was critical
of the left, 
especially of Manual Azafia, "a writer and intellectual of limited accomplishment"
and an 
"ultra-liberal."18 At the same time, Payne admired Azafa's most
incisive critic, the tough- 
minded conservative Catholic republican, Miguel Maura. Maura was "one
of the few respon- 
sible, farsighted leaders produced by the Republic,"'9 a judgment seconded
and reinforced 
in his latest work, The Collapse of the Republic.2° Following Adolphe
Thiers' precedent of 
republican reconstruction after the Paris Commune, Maura's chief concern
was to establish a 
"Republic of Order," similar to the French Third Republic. The
Spanish Second Republic's 
failure to replicate the French model and its inability to maintain order
in the 1930s, espe- 
cially in 1936, led to civil war. Similarly, the so-called Bienio Negro of
1934-35 was not 
a black period of rightist rule for Payne but rather the "dead center"
of Spanish politics. 
During the Bienio, "it was the extreme left, not the extreme right that
was ready for violent 
rebellion."21 
Payne's third book, The Spanish Revolution, focused on that extreme left.
As in his 
previous volumes, the author reaches back into Spanish history to find parallels.
He sees the 
Catalan civil war of the 1460s as prefiguring the Spanish Civil War of the
1930s. Both were 
"touched off by a resort to arms by the upper classes in face of a strong
latent revolutionary 
threat from the peasants and urban workers."'22 Global comparisons complemented
the use 
of analogies in the Spanish past: Unlike in other Western European nations,
"urbanization 
in Spain was not exactly a product of industrialization, but to a certain
extent preceded it" in 
the nineteenth century.23 "On the basis of civic culture, literacy rates,
and economic develop- 
ment, it might be hypothesized that by 1930 Spain was at the level of England
in the 1840s 
and 1850s or France in the 1860s and 1870s. Neither mid-nineteenth-century
England nor 
even France at the beginning of the Third Republic had to face such severe
political tests 
as Spain underwent in the 1930s.''24 Rather as in the German states during
1840s, Spain 
in the 1930s had to confront simultaneously thorny issues of constitutionalism,
national 
identity, and land reform. Furthermore, the Second Republic was burdened
with decisions 
concerning religious, military, and social legislation. The Republic's desire
to break with the 
past came back to haunt it. The Constituent Cortes of June 1931 unwisely
exhibited a lack 
of continuity with its last predecessor, the parliament of 1923: "This
is in sharp contrast to 
the rebuilding of representative government in more mature countries, such
as France after 
1944 or in Italy, Austria, and West Germany following long periods of dictatorship."25
The most relevant cross-national comparison in The Spanish Revolution was
between 
Spain and Russia since contemporaries-particularly the Socialists, the major
party of the 
xiv 


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