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Bunk, Brian D., 1968-; Pack, Sasha D.; Scott, Carl-Gustaf (ed.) / Nation and conflict in modern Spain: essays in honor of Stanley G. Payne
(2008)

Introduction,   pp. xi-xviii


Page xii

are the key to understanding Payne's contributions to both Spanish and, more
broadly, 
European history. 
Falange showed Payne's commitment to what he called a "balanced view"
of his sub- 
ject. Throughout his career, the author has written from a rare but, especially
for historians, 
a desirable professional detachment. Unlike so many of our colleagues, Payne
never went 
"native." Falange also anticipated his trenchant critique of the
Spanish left. The author did 
not wait a decade to imply that the left had begun the violence that ultimately
led to the 
civil war. In his first book, he noted that in early November 1933 the Socialists
had initi- 
ated violent attacks against the Falange. In contrast to Socialist extremism,
Payne repeat- 
edly described the CEDA (Confederaci6n Espahiola de Derechas Aut6nomas) as
a "mod- 
erate" political grouping. At the same time, he also expressed a deep
skepticism of fascist 
goals. According to Payne, Jose Antonio forgot that his "creative minority"
would be forced 
to control the "resistant majority only by the ruthless and terroristic
exercise of power."' 
Fascists used "demagogy" when they "preached unity and sacrifice
as well as social justice 
and economic readjustment."'4 Their anti-Semitism proved "doubly
stupid" both because 
of the absence of Jews in Spain and their ridiculous reprinting of the fabricated
"Protocols 
of the Elders of Zion."5 Falange showed that Spanish fascism in general,
and the Falange in 
particular, became a tool of Franco and of the enduring oligarchy supporting
his regime. 
Falange also prefigured Payne's later work on generic fascism. Like other
European fas- 
cists, Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, a founder of the Spanish party, "yearned
for emotional iden- 
tification with a Spanish proletarian movement, a truly nationalistic workers'
revolution."'6 
Well before the publication of The Spanish Revolution, Payne had taken on
progressives 
and leftists who viewed the fascist phenomena as merely rhetorically revolutionary.
Instead, 
Payne argued that Fascist "nationalist syndicalism"-which, he noted,
was hostile to a mar- 
ket economy-was "genuinely" revolutionary. Thus, the leader of
the Falange, Jose Antonio 
Primo de Rivera, wanted to "nationalize" the Spanish revolutionary
Left and disdained Jose 
Calvo Sotelo and other wealthy monarchists as advocates of the ancien regime.
This analysis in 1961 prefigured Payne's general characterization of fascism
in 1979: 
"Fascist culture, unlike that of the right, was in most cases secular
but, unlike that of the 
left and to some extent of the liberals, was based on vitalism and idealism
... .The goal of 
metaphysical idealism and vitalism was the creation of a new man, a new style
of culture that 
achieved both physical and artistic excellence that prized courage, daring,
and overcoming 
of previously established limits in the growth of a superior new culture."'7
Drawing on the 
Spanish model, Payne directly linked the left to the foundation of fascism:
"Fascism was cre- 
ated by the nationalization of certain sectors of the revolutionary left,
and the central role in 
its conceptual orientation was played by revolutionary syndicalists who embraced
extreme 
nationalism."'8 
Payne remained skeptical of both the radical Left and the radical Right.
In 1961, he 
drew a picture of Madrid that reflected what one of his major influences,
Juan Linz, called 
xii 


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