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Wolff, R. L.; Hazard, H. W. (ed.) / Volume II: The later Crusades, 1189-1311

I: The Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Crusades,   pp. 2-43 PDF (56.8 KB)

Page 9

flicting German, papal, and Byzantine claims to Apulia, and by the latent
antagonism between Genoa and Pisa. It is more than likely that the failure
of the Byzantines to support either the invading armies of the German emperor
Lothair II or the simultaneous rebellion of the Apulian barons in 1137 saved
the kingdom of Sicily from destruction. By July 1139 Roger had not only recovered
all his Italian possessions lost in the course of the war, but had also defeated
a papal army and extracted recognition of his kingdom and kingship from pope
Innocent II by the peace of Mignano.9 Bernard of Clairvaux, who had been
the architect of the antiSicilian coalition, also made his peace with Roger.
It was to be along lines laid down by Bernard, however, that the Byzantines
and the refugee Apulian barons would plan a new political encirclement of
the Sicilian king in the years 1140-1146, the period immediately preceding
the Second Crusade. 
 In spite of his struggle to hold the Italian mainland, Roger had not allowed
his Mediterranean objectives to slip from sight. At Merseburg in 1135, when
the great coalition against Sicily was born, Venetian and Byzantine ambassadors
complained to Lothair that the "count of Sicily" had attacked the
coast of Greece, that Sicilian ships were preying on Venetian merchantmen
and had despoiled them of goods worth 40,000 talents, and that Roger "was
conquering. . . Africa, which is known to be the third part of the world."10
Even more alarming, Roger had been trying to secure for himself the principality
of Antioch, which had lost its ruler in 
seconde croisade," Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique, XLIX (1954),
116-151; R. Grousset, Histoire des croisades et du royaume franc de Jerusalem
(3 vols., Paris, 1934-1936), II; B. Kugler, Studien zur Geschichte des zweiten
Kreuzzuges (Stuttgart, 1866); G. Constable, "The Second Crusade as Seen
by Contemporaries," Traditio, IX 2 13-279; H. Gleber, Papst Eugen III.
(1145-1153) unter besonderer Berucksichtigung sciner politischen Tatigkeit
(Jena, 1936); C. Cahen, La Syrie du nord d l'epoque des croisades (Paris,
1940); F. Chalandon, Les Comnene: Etudes surl'cmpire byzantin au XIe et au
XIIe siecles (z vols., Paris, 1900-1912); and M. Mathieu, "La Sicile
normande dans la poésie byzantine," Bolletino del Centro di studi
filologici e linguistici siciliani, II(1954), I-28. P. Lamma, Comneni e Staufer:
Ricerche sui rapporti fra Bisanzio e l' Occidente nel secolo XII, I (Rome,
1955), is important because of extensive quotations from sources not easily
available, such as the epistolarium of Wibald of Stavelot. The work sums
up the results of recent studies by P. Rassow, "Zum byzantinisch normannischen
Krieg, 1147-1149," Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische
Geschichts forschung, LXII 213-218, and K. Heilig, Ostrom und das deutsche
Reich (Stuttgart, 1951). 
  Innocent II invested Roger and his two sons, as, respectively, king of
Sicily, duke of Apulia, and prince of Capua, the titles corresponding to
the original divisions of Norman Italy. Roger received suzerainty as rex
over all areas, but the pope reserved the right to invest separately the
lord of each of the three portions. See Jaffe-Lowenfeld, Regesta pontificum
Romanorum, nos. 8042-8043; Caspar, Roger II, pp. 229-230, and Regesten, no.
124; K. A. 
Kehr, Urkunden, pp. 253-254; and Chalandon, Domination normande, II, 91.
 10 Annales Erphesfurdenses, ad ann. 1135 (ed. Holder-Egger), p. 42; cf.
Bernhardi, Lothar von Supplinburg, p. 575, notes 33, 34. 

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