Zacour, N. P.; Hazard, H. W. (ed.) / The impact of the Crusades on Europe
V: The Institutions of the Kingdom of Cyprus, pp. 150-174 PDF (9.7 MB)
Ch. V THE INSTITUTIONS OF THE KINGDOM OF CYPRUS 173 One remains struck by the loyalty which, on the whole, the peoples of the kingdom evinced for the Frankish dynasty. The only known popular rebellion was that of the peasants who rose up after the defeat of Khirokitia, electing several captains and even proclaiming one Alexius "king" at Lefkoniko: it was a sort of jacquerie, quite comparable to that which troubled the kingdom of France after Poitiers.66 The chronicler Leontius Machaeras, in the fifteenth century, shows himself to be a devoted subject of the Lusignans. The various communities experienced a gradual coming together. Kings and nobles made pilgrimages to Greek monasteries; the confessor of king Peter II, a Latin priest, visited his mother, a religious in the Greek convent of St. Mammas of Nicosia; the Dominican James ("Estienne") de Lusignan had a brother who was a Basilian; the Audeths, who belonged to the Jacobite rite, established religious services in the Latin and even the Greek rite, and left legacies to Coptic, Jacobite, Armenian, Maronite, Greek, and Latin churches. One of them even became a bishop in the Latin church.67 The use of Greek was so widespread among the Franks that queen Charlotte spoke it better than French, and Hugh Boussat took his personal notes in Greek.68 Latin priests had to take measures to prevent their flock from adopting customs appropriate to the Greek church.69 While the feudal institutions had been conceived for the purpose of strengthening the domination of the Frankish element, they gradually ceased to play this role. Greek and Syrian names penetrated little by little into the nobility, especially from the time of James II on. Rich burgesses had before that time acquired landed properties and become lords of fiefs. During the Venetian domination, the Synkletikos and the Sozomenos held first place among the liegemen,7° but well before that time the royal administration had been filled with Greek and Syrian elements. The feudal regime, though it endured until 1570, was probably no 66. Machaeras, Recital, caps. 636—637. 67. Ibid., caps. 566—571; Richard, "Une Famille de ' vénitiens blancs'." 68. Edith Brayer, Paul Lemerle, and Vitalien Laurent, "Le vaticanus latinus 4789," Revue des etudes byzantines, IX (1951), 47—105. 69. In a contrary sense, see the reflections of Leontius Machaeras respecting Thibaut Belpharage's conversion to the Latin rite (cap. 579). The reminder by Sixtus IV in 1472 of the rules imposed on Greek bishops by the Constitutio of 1260 (Mas Latrie, Histoire, III, 325—330) is evidence of the habitual transgression of those rules, especially with respect to episcopal jurisdiction. A 16th-century tradition has associated the name of Helena Palaeologina with a renewed audacity of the Greek clergy, but I believe that these transgressions were an older phenomenon. 70. This is not an isolated case, as can be seen by a quick look at the schedule drawn up by the venetian administration between 1510 and 1521, which includes a list of those enfeoffed.
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