Zacour, N. P.; Hazard, H. W. (ed.) / Volume VI: The impact of the Crusades on Europe
I: The legal and political theory of the Crusade, pp. 3-38 PDF (104.2 KB)
Ch. I THE LEGAL AND POLITICAL THEORY OF THE CRUSADE 5 lems as "the sons of fornication" (though this may represent one of the usual propaganda criticisms of Islamic sexual moral law), together with those who, "under the name of Christians", kill "the sheep of the Lord", some by the sword, some by famine, while carrying others off as booty into captivity.6 John did little more than support a policy of expelling the invaders with the strongest religious reasons he could think of. The alternative fates that he referred to, death and captivity (devastation was a by-product), reflect some part of the Islamic law of jihãd, as applied to conquered Christians. He did not mention that the Christians were also offered conversion to Islam, though this, of course, can be assumed to have happened. Whether only those who refused conversion were enslaved we do not know; the slave-labor market seems to have flourished. This period was formative of later law but produced nothing clear or unambiguous. The same is true of the years immediately preceding Urban Il's 1095 initiative, when the reconquest of Sicily was already complete and the war in Spain reasonably successful; a tradition had grown up which gave ecclesiastical encouragement to any effort to recover European territory. Churches in Spain and Sicily were already described as "recovered" or "restored".7 Europe was the last region to have come (in part) under Arab domination, and it was taken for granted that it should be recovered first, until the idea of the crusade supervened.8 In Sicily and Spain the Christians fought campaigns blessed by the church, but not dominated by religious purpose. Harald Hardráde, count Roger of Hauteville, and Rodrigo DIaz of Vivar were probably all believing Christians in their different ways, but none was a crusader. Europe approached the proclamation of the First Crusade with some idea of holy war but also with a papal diplomatic tradition which would be suspended by, but would survive, the crusades. Even when the idea of a Levantine crusade was in the air, Gregory VII expected to have a working relationship with the HammAdid an-Nä~ir (1062-1088), to whom he wrote about the surviving local Latin hierarchy in North Africa, wishing him honor in this world and life in the next, in the bosom of Abraham. This was a wish which, though it may have been inspired by an acquaintance with Jewish belief, was equally appropriate for Moslems. He urged the Christian population to 6. Ibid., col. 721 (ep. 67, ad Wigbodum); col. 716 (ep. 62, ad episcopos in regno Caroliimp. constitutos). 7. Erich Caspar, ed., Das Register Gregors VIL (MGH, Epistolae selectae, II; Berlin, 1920—1923), IV, 28 (pp. 343—347); and see note 12 below. 8. Denys Hay, Europe, the Emergence of an Idea, 2nd ed. (Edinburgh, 1968).
Copyright 1989 The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconsin System. All rights reserved. Use of this material falling outside the purview of "fair use" requires the permission of the University of Wisconsin Press. To buy the hardcover book, see: http://www/wisc/edu/wisconsinpress/books/1737.htm