Summary Information
Francis E. McGovern Papers 1909-1915, 1935
- McGovern, Francis E. (Francis Edward), 1866-1946
Wis Mss OF
9.4 c.f. (47 archives boxes)
Wisconsin Historical Society (Map)
Papers of Francis E. McGovern, a progressive Republican governor of Wisconsin, 1911-1915, whose administration was notable for its social and administrative reforms. Correspondence relates to his election and service as governor, state politics, the state and national progressive movement, the University of Wisconsin, civil service, and elections. Other papers include applications and endorsements for state jobs, nomination papers for McGovern's second term, and personal financial records. Letters from the spring of 1912 primarily concern the Republican National Convention and the contest between Robert La Follette, William H. Taft, and Theodore Roosevelt for the presidential nomination. Correspondents include John J. Blaine, La Follette's campaign manager; William J. Barnes, New York Republican favoring Taft; and New York backers of Roosevelt. McGovern's strategy as head of the Wisconsin delegation in the convention caused a rift between him and La Follette, and the subsequent correspondence is largely a record of the rivalry which followed until 1914, when McGovern was defeated for U.S. senator. During his second term, the governor had personnel difficulties with La Follette men who were secure in their positions by virtue of the state civil service law. Many papers deal with this problem and with McGovern's efforts to depose some of them, notably insurance commissioner Herman L. Ekern. Letters between McGovern and president Charles R. Van Hise of the University of Wisconsin and Charles McCarthy of the Legislative Reference Library discuss the need for changes in the University to meet problems arising from the rapid industrialization of the country. The 1935 items are two letters by McGovern concerning the Barnes-Bashford election of 1908 and other past political developments. English
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Biography/History
[The following sketch of McGovern's life is a summary of an obituary in the Milwaukee Journal of May 17, 1946 and accounts in J. S. Gregory's History of Milwaukee (4 vols., Chicago, 1930), 4:416-20; and M. M. Quaife's Wisconsin, Its History and Its People (4 vols., Chicago, 1924), 3:192-97.]
Francis Edward McGovern was born on January 21st, 1866 near Elkhart Lake in Sheboygan County, Wisconsin, the seventh child in a family consisting of eight children. Twenty years earlier his parents had come from Ireland and settled on the farm where Francis was born. The family met the usual obstacles of pioneers successfully and before the Civil War had ended was one of the most prosperous families in the area.
The McGovern children attended the rural schools of Sheboygan County--and four of them, including Francis who got his Bachelor's degree from the University of Wisconsin in 1891, became university graduates. At Madison, McGovern received class honors and was one of the first students ever to be offered a fellowship by the University. He also distinguished himself as an orator and debater and as managing editor of the school paper.
After leaving school McGovern went to work supporting himself and paying off the debts he had incurred in attending school. He continued his education, however, by studying law in his spare time and was rewarded with a law degree in 1897. Three years later he secured an appointment as assistant district attorney for Milwaukee County in which capacity he began acquiring his reputation as a reformer as the result of his fight against social and political corruption. His good work won for him the position of district attorney in 1904, and, armed with full power, he continued his reform campaign. Defeated in the 1906 primary for reelection, McGovern ran as an independent and won by a huge majority. In 1908 he ran unsuccessfully for U.S. Senator. By 1910, however, his reputation as a reformer had gained enough progressive support to put him in the governor's chair where he remained for two terms. Because of the La Follette-McGovern rift (discussed below), McGovern's promising political career was cut short. He tried again to get into the U.S. Senate in 1914, but largely because of La Follette's animosity lost out to the Democratic candidate, Paul O. Husting, even though it was a Republican year in Wisconsin. Twice again McGovern tried to secure high political office without success. During the New Deal he became a Democrat and as such was defeated for the U.S. Senate in 1934 and for governor in 1940.
After his last gubernatorial term McGovern returned to his private law practice in Milwaukee, but the war soon interrupted his law business and he entered the army as a major. He was appointed judge advocate of the 18th division and was later advanced to lieutenant colonel. Always the liberal, in the army McGovern's main work consisted of championing the cause of enlisted men before the court-martial. As the result of his work, punishment in the 18th division was cut down considerably.
In 1920 McGovern served as general counsel of the United States Shipping Board, and was ex-officio chairman of the Claims Board of the United States Emergency Fleet Corporation. He reorganized the entire claims department and helped to formulate the principles of law and rules of practice for the settlement of claims against the government growing out of wartime shipping contracts.
By 1921 he was back in Milwaukee to resume his law practice. He was elected president of the Milwaukee Bar Association in 1923, and for years was a member of the executive committee of the Wisconsin State Bar Association. He was also a member of the American Bar Association. McGovern was also an active member of the Knights of Pythias, the Masons, the City Club, the Milwaukee Athletic Club, and the American Legion.
In 1930 McGovern was appointed chairman of the state-wide committee that surveyed conditions in Wisconsin's penal and correctional institutions. As chairman, McGovern had much to do with writing the final report which denounced prison conditions as savagely inhumane and urged the punitive treatment be replaced by a program designed to recover criminals for the state--not to make permanent enemies of them. The report also advocated the amelioration of social and economic conditions felt to be instrumental in crime causation.
Although he still entertained political hopes, the rest of McGovern's life was devoted be his private law practice and club activities. He died on May 16th, 1946, at the age of 80.
Sketch of the Progressive Movement in Wisconsin to the McGovern Administration
In Wisconsin, as in many of the Northern states of the nation, the Republican Party controlled the political situation practically unchallenged for several decades following the Civil War. The Republican Party organization of Wisconsin was typical of other state bodies and the national setup. It was representative in form, the power resting in the convention elected by the party rank and file, but oligarchic in practice, the real authority being wielded by the central committee--a small permanent body which carried on the work between conventions. The central committee, generally influenced by wealthy supporters of the party (if not consisting of them) determined the party platform and proposed the slate of candidates which the ungainly conventions invariably ratified. In 1873 and 1891 enough Republicans who were dissatisfied with the way their party was run joined the Democrats to elect Democratic governors. But for the most part there were few insurgents, for the would-be rebels were usually willing to subordinate their objections in return for the political spoils that redounded from party solidarity.
During the Depression of 1893 the Democratic Party controlled the state chiefly because of the support of insurgent Republicans. During the Depression, however, the Democrats comported themselves in a way not noticeably different from the stalwart Republicans; thus making the insurgents realize that the reforms necessary could not be implemented simply through changing parties. So they returned to the Republican Party, and in the convention of 1894 presented a progressive for governor. However, the insurgent or progressive nominee, Nils P. Haugen, supported by the already famous progressive, Robert M. La Follette, had no chance against the “machine” whose candidate was William Henry Upham. Upham won the nomination and an easy election. In 1896 and 1898 the progressive wing of the Republican party tried again to capture the nomination without success--even though Robert M. La Follette, the recognized leader of the progressives, ran both times. But though they could not capture the governorship, the Republican reform element was slowly getting its ideas inserted into the party platform. In fact, under stalwart Edward Scofield's administration (1894-1900) a few progressive measures, including an anti-railroad pass law, an anti-lobbying act, and a commission to study the possibility of equalizing taxation, went through the legislature. Led by La Follette, the progressives meanwhile campaigned for the enactment of a direct primary law which would enable the party rank and file to circumvent the control of party leaders. A direct primary law was not passed, but enough furor was created to have La Follette nominated for governor at the 1900 convention and subsequently elected.
During La Follette's first term as governor, the reforms demanded by the progressives were generally blocked by a majority of stalwarts in the upper house, but in the election two years later the progressives won both houses of the Legislature and the reform measures began to take form in laws. One of the first measures passed, of course, was the primary election law; others included an ad valorem railroad tax, an inheritance tax, a state civil service act, legislation to promote conservation and reforestation, and a railroad commission with authority to control rates and the quality of service, and prevent discrimination. La Follette resigned the governorship to become U.S. Senator in 1906, but his entrance into national politics did not interfere with his first place position in Wisconsin politics.
Lieutenant Governor James O. Davidson took over where La Follette left off, and the steady flow of progressive legislation continued. All public utilities were made subject to the control of the Railroad Commission, insurance companies were regulated, a two-cent railway fare law was passed, and a proposed constitutional amendment authorizing the imposition of the income tax was presented by the Legislature to the people for their approval.
McGovern's Administrations
When McGovern succeeded Davidson in 1911, the progressives of the Republican Party had been in complete control of the state for almost a decade, and the reforms instituted under them had brought Wisconsin much national and some world fame as the “ideal” state. The progressive majority that elected McGovern demanded that the good work be carried on until all reforms proposed by them were consummated in legislative enactment or constitutional amendment. Never in the history of reform was there a better opportunity for the creation of a truly democratic and humanitarian state. McGovern was fully aware of the temper of the times and in his initial address to the newly-assembled lawmakers urged them to make full and judicious use of their mandate from the Wisconsin people:
Many legislative matters of the very highest importance concerning which men of every shade of political opinion are agreed, have been fully considered and await only enactment into law at your hands, unquestionably your responsibility is grave; but the opportunity thus presented for disinterested and patriotic service is correspondingly rare and enviable.
McGovern went on in his speech to outline the progressive measures that he felt the Legislature should consider--and, remarkable in the annals of American political history, this list of his proposals proved to be a nearly complete record of the achievements of his administration. In the field of political reform McGovern called for a stringent corrupt political practice act, a presidential primary law, a second choice primary law, and home rule for cities. His educational reform proposals included the consolidation of school districts, additional funds for the hiring of better qualified superintendents and teachers, a vocational education program, and enlargement of the facilities and functions of the University and its Extension Division. In the interest of farmers and laborers, McGovern urged the legalization and encouragement of cooperatives, aid to the development of highways, a workman's compensation law, establishment of an industrial commission, abolition of child labor, and amelioration of working conditions for women. Among the miscellaneous reforms dwelt upon in the message were enforcement of the weights and measures legislation, a law taxing incomes, and the creation of a state board of public affairs empowered to investigate inefficiency in government operation and to recommend corrective measures. Nearly all of McGovern's legislative suggestions were acted upon favorably, and many of the laws passed became the first of their sort in the country. His message to the next Legislature meeting in January, 1913 reflected his pleasure:
Broad, comprehensive policies were then adopted that have for their object the partial solution at least of problems as old as the human race and as insistent as the requirement of daily bread: the problems of how to secure a closer approximation to mental democracy in our civil institutions and to social justice in our industrial affairs.
Elated as he was, McGovern urged more attention to necessary reforms particularly stressing the need for child welfare legislation, health protection measures in industry and for the public, and a law permitting the direct election of U.S. Senators. As the result of disaffection within the liberal Republican ranks, the McGovern administration was the “high water mark” of the progressive movement in Wisconsin. Thereafter the fortunes of the progressive wing of the Republican Party declined.
The main division developed between the two leading figures of the movement, La Follette and McGovern. Jealousy between the two men may have been the real cause of the split, but the animosity between them did not become known until June, 1912 at the Republican National Convention in Chicago.
Taft, Roosevelt, and La Follette contended for the nomination in a grossly complicated affair--not in the least clarified by La Follette in his Autobiography, by McGovern in the long explanatory letters that he soon sent out to his wavering supporters, or by the chairman of the National Republican Committee himself, Victor Rosewater, in his reminiscences called Back Stage in 1912: The Inside Story of the Split Republican Convention (Philadelphia, 1930). It seems that the La Follette delegation, consisting of Wisconsin and North Dakota, held the balance of power since Roosevelt and Taft were fairly well-matched. McGovern who headed the Wisconsin delegation had himself presented as candidate for temporary chairman of the convention with the expectation of getting the votes of both the La Follette and Roosevelt delegates. McGovern would have succeeded in this maneuver had not La Follette's representative denounced the move as a trick to swing the convention to Roosevelt and asked all La Follette delegates to refrain from voting. Apparently La Follette's plan was to keep the convention deadlocked on Taft and Roosevelt until the delegates turned to him as a compromise candidate. At any rate, the split in the progressive forces caused the nomination of Taft, and La Follette never forgave McGovern for his “treachery.”
For purposes of party solidarity La Follette gave McGovern lukewarm support in the gubernatorial campaign later in the year. When the governor sought a seat in the U.S. Senate two years later, however, La Follette denounced him vigorously. McGovern managed to win the Republican primary anyway, but his prestige had been impaired by La Follette's opposition and, although it was a Republican year in Wisconsin, he lost out to the Democratic candidate, Paul O. Husting.
Scope and Content Note
The McGovern papers when finally organized consisted of about 15,000 pieces. The collection was divided into six series following generally McGovern's own arrangement. With the exception of the series called Endorsements and Applications, whose documents are filed according to jobs sought, the papers have been arranged chronologically within each series. Incoming and copies of outgoing correspondence comprise practically the entire collection. There are a few reports, lists of party supporters, miscellaneous notations, and a box of bills and receipts. The six series are:
- Personal Correspondence, 1909, 1910-1915, 1935
- Nomination Papers Correspondence, 1912 June-August
- Market Commission Bill Papers, 1913-1914
- Bills and Receipts, 1910-1914
- Endorsements and Applications for appointments to state positions, 1910-1915
- Harry Curran Wilbur (executive clerk and political manager) Correspondence, 1911-1915
When the collection was received, it was hoped that it would reveal the process by which the flood of progressive legislation that went through during the McGovern terms was formulated and adopted. It was expected that the collection would be an inside story of a “bloodless revolution.” Unfortunately the papers contain very little material of this nature. There is a good deal of correspondence concerning job-seekers, some correspondence with university officials dealing with appropriations for and government of the University, and a box of material on the proposed Market Commission Bill of 1913. But apparently the records, if any, of political maneuvers that may have been used in pushing bills through the Legislature were taken from the files. Perhaps the explanation may lie in the fact that the progressive majority in the Legislature enjoyed such power that the usual political machinations involved in getting bills adopted were not necessary.
At any rate, the papers are primarily concerned with keeping the progressives within the Republican Party behind McGovern and to winning new adherents for the governor. After the La Follette-McGovern split of 1912, the job of keeping the progressives behind McGovern became extremely difficult. McGovern had to explain his actions at the Chicago convention in such a way as to show that he had not intended to desert La Follette and also he had to give the impression that he was still friendly with La Follette. In some hundred or so letters to prominent local progressives throughout the state, McGovern and his executive clerk, Harry C. Wilbur, split hairs with masterful precision. Few of the letters were exactly alike, each being slanted to appeal to the nature of the addressee. The logic and gentle cajolery contained in the letters, however, were no match for La Follette's fury and influence, and so within two years a great progressive was retired to the sidelines.
PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE, 1909, 1910-1915, 1935: The first 19 boxes of the collection comprise the governor's personal correspondence, covering the full period of his two terms. There were a few letters written to him before his election mostly by prescient job-seekers and well-wishers. For a few months following his election McGovern received batches of congratulatory letters, most of which included requests for jobs. Free advice and many warnings on the evil effects of certain progressive legislation, particularly the income tax which McGovern proposed, were also sprinkled through these early letters. The few La Follette letters, mere notes referring job-seekers to McGovern, come at this time.
Following this initial flood of correspondence, there is a thinning out and several short gaps occur. The correspondence swells to more than its original proportions, however, as the Republican National Convention of June, 1912 approaches. Most of the correspondence is not directly concerned with the convention, but it seems that McGovern is trying to strengthen his position. Just before the convention McGovern received two interesting telegrams, one from William J. Barnes, the Republican leader in New York, asking McGovern to support Senator Root, Taft's man for the temporary chairmanship of the convention, and one from the editor of the New York World urging him to back Roosevelt's candidacy for the presidential nomination. McGovern refused the former request, denouncing Root as a “Tory”; but he either did not reply to the latter request or he extracted the copy of his reply from the files. During this period McGovern also corresponded with several Progressive leaders throughout the state asking for support of his plan to unite Roosevelt and La Follette delegates on a “progressive” chairman, thereby securing for the liberal wing of the Republican Party immediate control of the convention. With the chair in progressive hands, McGovern argued, the convention could be swung to La Follette. La Follette certainly would have no chance, according to McGovern, if the Taft forces took control at the outset. No objection to McGovern's proposal appears in the correspondence. The objections apparently came in a caucus of La Follette delegates held just before the convention opened. McGovern's proposal was voted down by the caucus, but, still hopeful, McGovern had his name placed before the convention as a candidate for temporary chairman. La Follette refused to go along with McGovern, and the rest is history.
Before the convention ended McGovern received a note from three solicitous Milwaukee gentlemen ominously hinting at the consequences of McGovern's act: “We the undersigned know of a law office for rent.” McGovern made an excoriating reply to the note, and entered vigorously into a campaign to hold his Wisconsin political position. The correspondence of both McGovern and his executive clerk, Harry C. Wilbur, from late June of 1912 until the Senatorial election of November, 1914, consists of the record of McGovern's attempt to overcome La Follette's power. He failed by about 900 votes, for that was the margin which Paul 0. Husting, the Democratic candidate for the Senate, held when the election was over.
During McGovern's second term as governor, La Follette supporters who had been blanketed into state jobs by the Civil Service Law caused McGovern much embarrassment by their moves to undermine the administration. McGovern attempted unsuccessfully to depose these men, the most notable attempt being the case of insurance commissioner Herman L. Ekern which was taken to the state supreme court. McGovern's personnel problems, especially those involving Ekern, are discussed in the correspondence. His constant battle with the La Follette men in his administration finally exhausted McGovern's patience, and, progressive as he was, he was almost brought to declare against civil service. In a letter to Governor Hiram Johnson of California, dated March 26, 1913, answering an inquiry about the success of the Wisconsin Civil Service Law, McGovern had this to say:
The Wisconsin civil service law was passed at the very close of Governor La Follette's term when he was about to enter the Senate. It was intended politically to keep his appointees in office. He had been governor for five years and none of the old crowd were left. Some of the new men could not have held on the score of merit. All were retained in the service without meeting the requirements imposed upon others who sought to enter. Thus the lid was clamped on tight politically. They are pretty nearly all here yet. So the scheme has worked beautifully. The obvious moral is if you want to get your friends life jobs at the California capitol, wait until you have all of the old crowd out and your friends in, then lock the door and throw the key in the well by passing a civil service law such as we have.
It was not long before McGovern was driven to make outright statements in his letters denouncing La Follette. In one letter he said, “Our Senior Senator has assumed the role of dictator here; and until the question of whether we are political serfs or free men is finally settled in Wisconsin no other issues can receive much consideration.”
McGovern did have time, however, to correspond with President Van Hise of the University and Charles McCarthy, chief of the Legislative Reference Library, concerning the need for changes in University government to meet the needs arising from the nation's rapid industrialization. He also managed to answer many inquiries about his position on women suffrage, capital punishment, the income tax, cooperatives, and other topics. McGovern's point of view was always liberal, except on women suffrage.
Aside from the persons mentioned above, a few notables who appear in the personal correspondence are Herbert Hoover who sent a telegram on Nov. 2, 1914 urging McGovern to work up interest in Wisconsin for Belgian relief; Theodore Roosevelt who sent a telegram on March 28, 1913 urging support of the women suffrage movement; Charles A. Beard who wrote a letter on Feb. 14, 1912, asking McGovern to use his influence in getting a permanent library established to serve as a clearing house for information on problems dealing with state government; and John J. Blaine, at the time La Follette's presidential campaign manager, with whom McGovern corresponded in February and March, 1912.
NOMINATION PAPERS CORRESPONDENCE, 1912 June-August: The next series (box 20) consists of the correspondence concerning McGovern's gubernatorial nomination petitions which were sent out to those believed to be McGovern supporters. Copies of the covering letters, the replies, and copies of McGovern's and Wilbur's answers to the unfavorable replies make up the series, Most of the party leaders to whom the petitions were sent showed willingness to circulate them; however, there were a few embarrassing questions concerning McGovern's position at the Chicago convention and some outright refusals to circulate the petitions because of McGovern's “recent traitorous action.”
MARKET COMMISSION BILL PAPERS, 1913-1914: Correspondence and a few reports concerning McGovern's pet measure, the Market Commission Bill, comprise the next series, filed in box 22. Through this measure, McGovern planned to promote the cooperative marketing of crops thereby avoiding the high cost of the wholesale channels. He argued that his plan would help the farmer by giving him a larger margin of profit and also the consumer by bringing lower prices. The correspondence contains many letters of endorsement from farmers and farm organizations. Labor organizations, however, objected to McGovern's neglect of a consumer cooperation plan. Businessmen who dealt with farmers were, of course, very much opposed to McGovern's plan. Hardware dealers were especially alarmed. One declared that cooperative buying “will do away with the towns and villages--by doing away with businessmen.” In this series there is also an interesting exchange of letters between McGovern and A. D. Campbell, manager of the Wisconsin Advancement Association, who felt that McGovern's speeches on the poor condition of farmers and farms hurt the real estate business. It seems that Campbell was neither for nor against the Market Commission Bill, he just didn't think that McGovern should say anything to hurt the real estate business.
BILLS AND RECEIPTS, 1910-1914: Box 22 consists of McGovern's personal bills and receipts covering purchases of clothing, groceries, etc.
ENDORSEMENTS AND APPLICATIONS: In boxes 23 through 38 are filed the applications and endorsements McGovern received for state jobs, together with copies of the governor's rather perfunctory acknowledgments. McGovern filed the applications and endorsements according to the jobs sought, and his arrangement has been maintained.
HARRY CURRAN WILBUR CORRESPONDENCE, 1911-1915: The final series (boxes 39-47) consists of the correspondence of McGovern's executive clerk, Harry Curran Wilbur. Some of Wilbur's work in connection with the “political fence-mending” necessitated by the McGovern-La Follette split has been mentioned above. Wilbur's job was entirely concerned with promoting McGovern's political fortunes. He corresponded with party leaders throughout the state explaining and justifying the governor's actions and views, and urging them, in a variety of rhetorical techniques, to “come to the aid of the party.” Unlike many political managers, Wilbur was very nearly a scholar especially in the English and literature fields. His skill with the language and penchant for classical allusions, however, may not have been completely beneficial to the administration, for one annoyed local progressive replied heatedly, “Don't throw on the dog... I don't like it a damned bit.” Perhaps others felt the same way, but the correspondence does not show a tendency in that direction. Wilbur was skillful and he knew how to tickle the vanity of most of his correspondents and get them to go out and work for the party.
Administrative/Restriction Information
Presented by Mrs. Ovid Blix (Governor McGovern's niece), Milwaukee, Wis., September 1946. Several Roosevelt letters presented by Margaret M. Van Wagenen, Milwaukee, Wis., 1976.
Contents List
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Series: Personal Correspondence, 1909, 1910-1915, 1935
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Box
1
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1909, 1910 September 24 - 1911 January 10
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Box
2
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1911 January 11-31
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Box
3
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1911 February 1 - March 31
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Box
4
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1911 April 1 - June 10
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Box
5
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1911 June 21 - December 29
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Box
6
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1912 January 10 - March 31
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Box
7
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1912 April 1 - June 30
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Box
8
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1912 July 1 - September 19
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Box
9
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1912 September 21 - 1913 January 15
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Box
10
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1913 January 16 - March 5
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Box
11
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1913 March 6 - June 4
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Box
12
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1913 June 9 - September 30
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Box
13
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1913 October 1 - December 31
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Box
14
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1914 January 1 - February 28
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Box
15
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1914 March 2 - June 10
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Box
16
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1914 June 11 - September 11
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Box
17
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1914 September 12 - October 31
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Box
18
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1914 November 2 - December 11
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Box
19
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1914 December 12 - 1915 January 4; 1935
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Box
20
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Series: Nomination Papers Correspondence, 1912 June-August
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Box
21
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Series: Market Commission Bill Papers, 1913-1914
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Box
22
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Series: Bills and Receipts, 1910-1914
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Series: Endorsements and Applications for Appointments to State Positions, 1910-1915
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County Judge
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Box
23
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Bayfield County
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Box
23
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Calumet County
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Box
23
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Crawford County
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Box
23
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Douglas County
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Box
23
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Forest County
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Box
23
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Iron County
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Box
23
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Kenosha County
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Box
23
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Kewaunee County
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Box
23
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Marinette County
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Box
23
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Oneida County
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Box
23
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Vilas County
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Box
24
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Civil Judge - Milwaukee
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Municipal Judge
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Box
24
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Bayfield
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Box
24
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Janesville
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Box
24
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Langlade County
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Box
24
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Madison
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Box
24
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Polk County
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Box
24
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Rhinelander
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Box
24
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Ripon
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Circuit Judge
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Box
25
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7th district
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Box
25
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8th district
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Box
25
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Milwaukee County
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Sheriff
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Box
26
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Winnebago County
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Box
26
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Forest County
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Box
26
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Vilas County
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Box
26
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Adjutant General
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Box
26
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Perry Victory Centennial Committee Man
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Box
26
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State Fire Marshall
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Box
26
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Deputy Fire Marshall
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Box
26
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Military Staff
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Box
26
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Fish Commissioner
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District Attorney
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Box
27
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Burnett County
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Box
27
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Door County
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Box
27
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Forest County
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Box
27
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Green Lake County
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Box
27
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Polk County
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Box
27
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Vernon County
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Box
27
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Vilas County
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Box
27
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Waukesha County
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Box
28
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Game Warden, Waushara County
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Box
28
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State Game Warden
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Box
28
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Deputy State Game Warden
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Coroner
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Box
28
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Racine County
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Box
28
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Shawano, Walworth, and Washburn Counties
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Box
28
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Superintendent of Public Property
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Box
28
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Executive Clerkship
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Box
28
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Governor's Stenographer
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Box
29
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Board of Agriculture
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Box
29
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Camp Randall Commission
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Box
29
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Industrial Accident Commission
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Box
29
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Medical Examiners
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Box
29
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Board of Health
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Box
29
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Board of Pharmacy
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Box
30
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Veterinarians
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Box
31
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Normal School Regents
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Box
31
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Normal School Superintendent
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Box
31
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Board of Public Accountants
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Box
31
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Panama-Pacific Exposition Commission
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Box
31
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Good Roads Commission
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Box
31
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Dental Board
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Box
32-33
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Board of Control
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Box
33
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Grain and Warehouse Commission
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Box
33
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Industrial Education Board
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Box
33
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Industrial Commission
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Box
34
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Athletic Commission
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Register of Deeds
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Box
34
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Clark County
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Box
34
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Florence County
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Box
34
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Kewaunee County
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Box
34
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Marinette County
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Box
34
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Winnebago County
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Box
34
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Assistant Oil Inspector
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Box
34
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State Oil Inspector
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Box
34
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Deputy Oil Inspector
|
|
Box
35
|
Dairy and Food Commission
|
|
Box
36
|
State Factory Inspector
|
|
Box
36
|
Income Tax Assessor
|
|
Box
36
|
Tax Commission
|
|
Box
36
|
Waupun Warden
|
|
Box
36
|
Lake Superior and Mississippi River Commission
|
|
Box
36
|
Purchasing Agent, Stout Institute
|
|
Box
36
|
Field Officer
|
|
Box
36
|
Bank Examiner
|
|
Box
36
|
Pension Agent
|
|
Box
36
|
Park Commission
|
|
Box
36
|
Optician Commission
|
|
Box
36
|
Creamery Inspector
|
|
Box
37
|
Inspector of Apiaries
|
|
Box
37
|
Board of Public Affairs
|
|
Box
37
|
Barber's Board
|
|
Box
37
|
Milwaukee Insane Asylum Trustee
|
|
Box
38
|
Treasury Agent
|
|
Box
38
|
Portage Levee Commission
|
|
Box
38
|
Plumbing Inspector
|
|
Box
38
|
Railroad Commission
|
|
Box
38
|
Civil Service Commission
|
|
Box
38
|
University Board of Regents
|
|
Box
38
|
Miscellaneous
|
|
|
Series: Harry Curran Wilbur Correspondence, 1911-1915
|
|
Box
39
|
1911 April 27 - 1912 July 6
|
|
Box
40
|
1912 July 7 - August 2
|
|
Box
41
|
1912 August 3 - September 12
|
|
Box
42
|
1912 September 13 - October 28
|
|
Box
43
|
1912 October 29 - 1913 January 31
|
|
Box
44
|
1913 February 1 - July 31
|
|
Box
45
|
1913 August 1 - December 31
|
|
Box
46
|
1914 January 1 - May 12
|
|
Box
47
|
1914 May 13 - 1915 January 12
|
|
|