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THE ART OF LEGISLATIVE POLITICS by Tom Loftus. The Congressional Quarterly, 1994. 179 pages. $18.95. ISBN 0-87187-980-8.

by Jerry L. Bower

Tom Loftus served fourteen years in the Wisconsin Assembly, beginning in 1977. In 1981 he was elected Democratic majority leader and then, in 1983, Loftus was chosen Assembly speaker by his colleagues. He served in this capacity until his retirement from the Assembly in 1991, after he had lost the 1990 gubernatorial race to Tommy Thompson. In 1993 President Clinton named Loftus ambassador to Norway.

This narrative is an insider's explanation of how Wisconsin state government operates. Loftus's text flows smoothly, is free of politicos' jargon, and tells some interesting stories about what a speaker can and cannot do. Loftus explains that the "power" of the speaker is something that each speaker creates through his relationships with his own party colleagues, with the minority party leadership, and with the governor.

In the latter relationship, he contends that the speaker's primary task is to defend the independence and integrity of the legislature, even when the governor is a member of the speaker's own party. Loftus argues that the governor/legislature tug-of-war is an uneven contest, due to the governor's veto-in-part power, which is much more powerful than the line-item budget veto to which it is usually equated. With the veto-in-part authority, which has been upheld by Wisconsin's Supreme Court, Loftus says, ". . . the governor could write a new law simply by playing a one-man game of scrabble" (page 72).

Loftus tells us much about the nuts-and-bolts of Wisconsin politics. For example, he explains why campaign financing limits do not work, even in a state that has some of the toughest laws and enforcement mechanisms in the nation. In chapters dealing with abortion, gun control, and the teachers' union (WEAC), Loftus explains the role of interest groups in the legislative process and how the speaker attempts to finesse potentially explosive battles in the Assembly. For example, the fervor of the major interest group on either side of the abortion issue put every legislator on the spot --- they would prefer never to have to record their vote, because no matter how they vote, someone will be angry. So Loftus sent abortion measures to the Assembly Health and Human Services Committee, with the understanding that no abortion bill would be reported out until very late in the session. Then the Assembly routinely passed a bill and sent it to the Senate, where it would die because the senators did not have time to consider thoroughly the measure before adjournment.

Loftus notes that improper lobbying can occur even in Wisconsin, which has very strict lobbying control laws. He makes it clear that lobbyists do not buy votes, rather they spend money and do favors in order to create access to legislators. Loftus believes that the ethical behavior, which normally prevails in Wisconsin, is fostered by three things: tough laws and their strict enforcement, leaders who set good examples, and fear that the capital press corps will expose any misbehavior.

In his closing chapter, "Legislatures Then and Now," Loftus expresses his opinion about the changes in the makeup of the Wisconsin legislature that occurred while he was a legislator. He writes that there is much more individualism among legislators today, as contrasted with being team players; this is bad, Loftus says, because a team effort is necessary to enact legislation. Loftus also notes that many more female legislators are being elected today, which is a positive development.

Overall, this is an informative and very readable book. Loftus takes the reader inside the Assembly to explain how the legislature works in a down-to-earth fashion. This is the book to read if one truly wants to know how the Wisconsin legislature works.

Jerry L. Bower is professor of history at the University of Wisconsin Center-Richland, Richland Center.