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Bunk, Brian D., 1968-; Pack, Sasha D.; Scott, Carl-Gustaf (ed.) / Nation and conflict in modern Spain: essays in honor of Stanley G. Payne
(2008)
Rodao, Florentino
Departure from Asia: Spain in the Philippines and East Asia in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, pp. 103-122
Page 115
Departure from Asia on the opposite flank of the Eurasian continent, and the Chinese as their Communist enemies, in spite of the fact that Jiang Jieshi (AfT &, Chiang Kai-shek) and his Guomindang party ([09 Km, Kuomintang) maintained close ties with German Nazis. Spanish Republicans acted in inverse fashion, siding with the Chinese. Even the anarchist press praised Chinese figures such as Sun Zhongsan ( "1 LU, Sun Yatsen) or Jiang himself despite utter dis- sonance with anarchist ideals. Among all of the groups, the Chinese Communists were the most crucial promoters of the idea of parallelism. They deployed slogans from the Spanish war to galvanize their troops, such as the famous "No pasaratn" [They (fascists) shall not pass]-this time in reference of the seizure of Wuhan (AIVi%)-and also promoted experi- ences learned in Spain, such as the cross-class unity against fascism (Unidad Popular).'5 On the Francoist side, inroads to Asia were complicated by Asian countries' wide- spread recognition of the Republican government. Italy provided considerable support for the Francoist cause in Asia, being crucial in 1937 in winning Japanese recognition of Nationalist Spain, whose government had been deeply divided over the issue, the diplomatic corps having favored maintaining the status quo and the military supporting Franco. The Italian commitment was so intense that Rome even agreed to recognize the Japanese pup- pet state in Manchuria, the Manchukuo (}im)Ii 1), established in 1932, in order to win the Japanese acceptance for Franco. The sequence of events left little doubt: Italy recognized Manchukuo on November 30, 1937; Japan recognized Franco's Spain the following day; and Franco recognized Manchukuo the day after that in an act performed at the Spanish embassy in Italy. This Italian decision to bet on the Japanese policy in Asia was a reversal of previous policy, but also a crucial step for the separation of the world powers into two oppo- site camps during 1938. Germany finally agreed also to recognize Manchukuo in the month of March, while Tokyo and Berlin, after rebuffs from the Netherlands and Great Britain, invited Rome to join the Anti-Comintern Pact. Italian aid to Franco upon his entry onto the Asian stage therefore had unforeseen effects. By being instrumental in helping Spaniards (who, for their part, accepted their subordination to Rome in an area that was not among its priorities), the Italians hoped to enhance their status among the Great Powers. Spain had a mixed attitude toward Asia during the Second World War. At first its position mirrored the Japanese militarists-initially shocked by Hitler's pact with the Soviet Union and later restored to the Axis realm by Germany's victories, though never entering directly in the fight. Although the Hitler-Stalin pact rendered obsolete the Anti-Comintern Pact, Spain and Japan continued to be linked by Spain's secret adherence to the Tripartite Pact between Germany, Italy, and Japan, that had been agreed to at the meeting of Franco and Hitler at Hendaye in October 1940. Thanks to the political friendship, Spain became the main Western help for Japan's war effort after the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 by collaborating with the Japanese on intelligence in the United States, by represent- ing the interests of Japan in most of the Western Hemisphere, by being ready to sell raw materials, and by using its remaining influence in the Philippines to support Japanese bids to 115
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