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Documents on Germany, 1944-1959 : background documents on Germany, 1944-1959, and a chronology of political developments affecting Berlin, 1945-1956
(1959)

Statement at Geneva by Secretary of State Dulles, on Germany and European security, October 28, 1955,   pp. 166-169 PDF (1.8 MB)


Page 169

DOCUMENTS ON GERMANY, 1944-59
proposal which requires Germany to become a member of NATO.
It is recognized that a reunified Germany will be free to accept or to
reject existing obligations with reference either to NATO, to Brussels,
or to Warsaw. That is a completef reedom, and nothing in our pro-
posals is in any way contrary to that.
With respect to the sanctions in the treaty, these are more far-reach-
ing than any which have ever been known before in the course of inter-
national relations, covering practically every aspect which is subject
to control, not only in terms of engagements, pledges, which are most
serious, but also including physical arrangements in the way of in-
spection, controls, assurances regarding the level of forces, and the like.
As I say, they go far beyond anything that history has ever before
known, and surely it is hot to be said that there is nothing in this
proposal except mere "consultations".
So I very muuch hope that this proposal, which tries so seriously
and conscientiously to give real substance to our directive, will receive
the careful consideration which I know it deserves. And I am con-
fident that with that consideration the provisional and superficial
views that have been expressed here will be revised. Of course, all of
this proposal is subject to the reunification of Germany, and at least
one of the provisions of the treaty operates, as far as the United States
and the other powers here are concerned only if the reunified Germany
joins NATO; that is, Article 8, because Article 8 deals in effect with
a guarantee by the NATO members that no one of their own mem-
bership will commit aggression. We can give such assurance as re-
gards our own group, but if a reunified Germany joins the Warsaw
Treaty, then it would not be for us to give assurances that Germany
will not commit aggression.
We shall, of course, examine carefully the proposal which the Soviet
Delegation has submitted. In looking at it in the few minutes that
has been available, I think it will be found that some at least of the
provisions of our proposal coincide with the proposals of the Soviet
Delegation. There is, however, one basic difference of approach,
which is that we have submitted together proposals dealing with
what our directive says are the two closely-linked problems; namely,
the problem of the reunification of Germany, and the problem of
European security.
The proposal of the Soviet Delegation, so far as I can see, is in no
way connected with the reunification of Germany, and, therefore, it
would be difficult for us to consider it until we see the proposal which
the Soviet Delegation says it intends to submit for the reunification
of Germany. When we see the two together then we shall be able
to appreciate them better than by only seeing the first proposal with-
out the other half; namely, the reunification of Germany.
In conclusion, let me beg the Soviet Delegation to believe that
the treaty proposal that has been made here represents a serious
and,  I would say, indeed, a momentous and historic proposal designed
to meet, as fully as human ingenuity can meet it, the problem of
permitting the reunification of Germany to occur under conditions
which will assure that whichever election Germany makes, in terms
of its future associations or lack of associations, there will be assur-
ance to us all against something which we are all entitled to dread
and fear; that is, the possibility that Germany might again become
a militaristic State.
169


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