Baldwin, M. W. (ed.) / The first hundred years
IV: The Ismailites and the Assassins, pp. 99-
Ch. IV THE ISMA'!LITES AND THE ASSASSINS 127 Islam, under the rule of the imams of the house of Nizãr. Though Sinãn may have permitted himself some deviations from this ideal, and though some of the murders may have been arranged with the temporary allies of the sect, it is in the highest degree unlikely that in this period of their prime the daggers of the fida'is were for hire. Even when murders were politically or otherwise arranged, it is still more unlikely that the actual murderers would know the identity of the instigator or ally concerned. But the Assassin setting forth on a mission might well have been given what in modern parlance would be called a "cover story", implicating the likeliest character on the scene. This would have the additional advantage of sowing mistrust and suspicion in the opposing camp. The murders of Ibn-al-'AjamI and of Conrad of Montferrat are good examples of this. The suspicion thrown on Gumushtigin inAleppo and on Richard among the Franks must have served a useful purpose in confusing the issues and creating discord. The murder of Conrad was Sinan's last achievement. In 1192/ 1193 or 1193/1194 the redoubtable Old Man of the Mountain himself died, and was succeeded by a Persian called Na~r.41 With the new chief the authority of Alamut seems to have been restored, and remained unshaken until after the Mongol conquest. The names of several of the chief dacis at different dates are known to us from literary sources and from inscriptions in the Isma'ilite centers in Syria; most of them are specifically referred to as delegates of Alamut. They are, with the dates of mention: Kamã1.~ad-Din al-Hasan ibn-Mas~üd (after 1221/1222); Majd-adDin (1226/1227); Sirãj-ad-Din Mu~aifar ibn-ai-Ilusain (1227 and 1238); Tãj-ad-DIn abU-l-Futüli ibn-Muliammad (1239/1240 and 1249); RadI-ad-Din abfl-l-Ma'ãii (1256 if.).42 About [211 the sources record a curious episode that is worth considering. In that year, the Persian sources tell us, the grand master of Alamut, Jalal-ad-Din al-Ilasan III, decreed a return to orthodoxy. He renounced the heretical teachings of his predecessors, burnt their books, restored orthodox religious practices, and, most significant of all, recognized the ' Abbãsid caliph anNãsir, from whom he received a diploma of investiture. Because of these changes he received the Persian sobriquet Nau-Musulman, New Moslem. The Syrian historians also report these events, and add that he sent messengers to Syria, ordering his Syrian 4' Bustãn, p. i~i; Sibt Ibn-aI-Jauzi, p. 269; Bar Hebraeus, p.343; Lewis, "Three Biographies," pp. 338—339;Defrémery, "Ismaéliens de Syrie," op. cit., V, 33. 42 Van Berchem, "Epigraphie des Assassins," passim.
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