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White, Cha. (ed.) / The continental times. Supplement: The truth about Italy.
No. 1133. Vol. XXI. No. 66 (June 9, 1915)

The continental times. Supplement to the continental times: The truth about Italy

backward leads one easily to the surmise that
this was quite within the intention of thec
Roman cabinet.pAustria- Hungary was never-
theless quite prepared to proceed with ah
further discussion  of the questions undern
consideration.  It was in fact possible tou
make  certain  compromiss  uponncertain
points, so that there were no longer anyd
essential differences outstanding.s
But certain of the Italian postulates weret
in their very essence a negation of the mostI
vital interests of the Monarchy, and as the
Italian cabinet contested precisely these points
withea most astonishing degree of stubborn-
ness, an agreement was endered all the I
more impossible.r
While al negotiations were carried on byt
Austria-Hungary in the most conciliatoiy
spirit, the Cabinet of Salandra, without
offering an answer to the latest proposal
made it, decided to declare on May 4th in
Vienna, that it regarded the terms of the
treaty as violated by us and therefore nulli-
fied, and that for this reason it withdrew its
proposals and thereby reserved for itself a
complete freedom of action. (Appendix No. 8)
The Austrian-Hungarian government did
not consider itself ca led upon to act imme-
diately upon this amazing step on the part
of Italy, but, undiscouraged, continued to
pursue its endeavors to   bring  about a
friendly so'ution.
For this puwpose the measure of the con-
cessions which Austria-Hungery was prepared
to make was increased to an extent beyond
v hich the most ierentay consideration for
the life interets of the Monarchy would have
reidered it impossible to go.
The final offer which was handed to the
Italian government by the Imperial and Royal
Ambassador as well as by Prince Piilow,
'o;'prised  the following  essential pouts:
The cessionnof the Italian part of south Tyrol.
The ce~sion of the district west of the
Isonzo inhabited by Italians.
In respect to Trieste, the erction of a
university, the hestowal of the title of an
Imperial free city and the revision of the
muricipal statutes, to that the Italian character
of the city as well as its autonomy might be
preserved, the continuance and eventual ex-
tension of the free harbor zone.
Ou willingniess to ack owltdee the corm-
p~ete sovreigniiy of Italy over Valona and
the surrounding district.
The political disinterestedness of Austria-
Iluti1gary in Albania.
The relquishirof all claims which might
arise  through  Italy's occupation  of the
As a return for this Austria Hungary laid
clanis to the complete neutralityof Italy to-
wards the Monarchy, the German Empire
and Turkey for the period of the present
war, and a disintereted attitude towards
Austria-Hungary for all successes that might
accrue to it in the course of the war or the
terms of peace
With regard to the carrying out of these
agreements, Austria-Hungary would pledge
itself. immediately after the settlement, to
proclaim in a formal manner the cessionof
the districs in question. In addition to this
mixed commissions were to meet immediately
after the completion of the treaty in order to
regulate the various details, and their de-
cisions would be sbject to ratification by the
governmernts. Immediately after this ratifica-
tion the bestowal of the ceded districts was
to begin and was to be completed within
the time limit of a month. Finally Austria-
Hungarydand Italy would declare themselves
as agreed with the understanding that the
German Empire wasuto guarantee the faith.
ful execution of the agreement.
When these   proposals were also met by
te Italian cabiet with coplte silence and
when the parliamentary proceedings as well
as the declarations of Minister President
Salandra on the 20th of May found a loud
echo in the wildly-excited population which
had been goaded on for months, and the
fim determination of Italy to attack its ally
of many years in the most treacherous manner
witihout the shadow of an excuse and with-
out a single concrete demand, the Austrian-
Hungarian government on the 21st of May
ind that the moment had arrived in which
to answer the laist communrcation of the
Italian government, that of May 4th. This
it was necessary to do in order to demon-
strate the entire unreasonablness of the
Italian pretexts and the invalidity of its one-
sqided proclamation regarding the nullification
of the Alliance, and finally to repudiate all
responsibilities for the consequences That
night result from  this willful withdrawal
from the Alliance. (Appendix No. 9)
A few days afterwards, on the 23rd of
May, the royal Italian ambassador at Vienna
Lihaded the Imperial and Royal Government
the declaration of war, whose wholly untenable
and wretched subterfuge reads like an acknow-
ledgment of tne weakness of Ita y's whole
1. Agreement between the Imperial
and Rioyal Austrian-Hungarian Gov-
ernment     and   the    Royal    Italian
Government in , 1900 - 01, with
regard to Albania.
Communicaion of the Royal Italian Minister
of Foreign Affairs to the Royal Italian
Ambassador in Vienna.
December 20th, 1900.
I call the atention of your Excellency to
iy reply to the Interp. Iation whi.h had
be n der ct d to me iecently in th<- Chamber
Deputies egarding A bania  The text of
ih .  reply fulos her~wih: "I can as-ure
you  hdl the lalan and Austro-Hungarian
Governiments have had an opportuniy to
ICst ultir inerests on te Ottoman cots of
the Adianic and to recogize that these
itrerets mucy best be furthered by respecting
and maintaining the status quo."
I eon ider n expedient that you bring this
declaration of mine to the attention or His
Excelleticy Count Goluchowski. I do not
.oubt tuat te imperial and Royal Minister
of foreign Affa r will find it in agreement
with the undeistanding regarding this matter
at which we arived uurig    his visit to
Monza in tne year 1897. During the inter-
ciange of opinon which ensued during our
conversations regarding this question, we
had iecided upon the tollowing points:
1. To maintain the status quo as long as
conditions would permit.
2. Inicaseelitpresent conditions cannot
be maintained and changes should become
necesary,that all material alterations are to be
undertaken according to the spirit of autonomy.
3. Ingeneral and as an outcome of the
disposition on both sides, to seek the most
suitable ways and means by which our
mutual interests may be maintained and
brought into harmony.
I would appreciate the assurance that Count
Goluchowski recognizes in the foregoing,
as I do, the faithful recapitulation of the
text of our agreement in regard to these
points. I therefore authorize Your Excellency
to communicate this note to him.
Communication of the Imperial and Royal
Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Imperial
and Royal Ambassador at the Royal Italian
Court at Rome.
Translation.    Vienna, 9th of February 1901.
Count Nigra after his return from Rome
has called my attention to the answer which
His Excellency the Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Italy gave to the interpellationi
which had been directed to him in the
Chamber of Deputies with regard to Albania.
At the same time he expressed the hope that
I would find the declarations which it em-
bodied in accord with the principles regard-
ing which we had cone     to an agreement
during my meeting in 1897 with the Marquis
Visconti-Venosta at the castle of Moriza.
During the strict and confidential inter-
change of opinion which took place in the
conversations regarding this queston, we did
indeed recognize the necessity.
I. Of maintaining the status quo as long
as conditions would permit.
2. In case the present condition cannot be
maintained  and  chages  should become
iecessary, that all material alterationsiare to
be undertaken  according to the spirit of
autoniomy, likewise that we in general
3. According to our mutual dipositioti
were to seek te most suitable wAys and
means by which our mutual interests maiy
be maintained and brought ito harmony.
Reverting to the foregoing I take pleasure
in confirming that the declaration of the
Marquis Visconti-Venosta was received on
the part of the Imperial and Royal Cabinet
wih complete satisfaction and I request you
to bring this to the knowledge of His Ex-
cellency the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
2. Count Berchtold to Herr von Mrey.
Telegram.        Vienna, 25th of July 1914.
The talia"nAmbassador called here to-day
and comiinunicated to uic with regard to te
dispute between the Monarchy and Servia, that
the Royal Italian Government in the event of
this dispute taking a warlike form and leading
to even a provisional occupation of Servian
territory, retains for itself the right of claiming
compensation according to the provision of
Article VII of the terms of the Triple Alliance.
In addition to this the Italian Government is
of the opinion that the same article necessi-
tates that we should arrive at some agreernernt
with it, ere the eventual occupation of Servian
As to the rest the Italian Government in-
tends to assume a position both friendly and
in accordance with its duties under the
alliance, should an armed conflict ensue bet-
ween Austria-Hungary and Servia.
3. Telegram of His Majesty the
King of Italy to His Imperial and
Royal Apostolic Majesty.)
Translation.         Rome, August 2, 1914.
I have received the telegram of Your
Majesty. I need not assure your Majesty that
Ialy, which has made all possible efforts to
preserve peace, and which will do all in its
power to help in the restoration of peace,
will preserve towards its ally a warm and
friendly attitude, in accordance with the Triple
Alliance, its sincere sentiments and the great
interests it must guard.
Vittoiio Emanuele.
Extract from a letter of the Marquis
di San Giuliano to Herr von Mrey
Translaion.         Rome, August 2, 1914.
One must take into consideration that the
present crisis is a transient one, and that the
Tripe Alliance is to continue for 12 years
and may be renewed.      It is desirable, I
might even say necessary that the policy of
Italy and Austria-Hungary in the matter of
the Balkans should be identical during this
long peiod, it is desieable and even necessary
that their diplomatic activities may develop
in thorough agreement and confidence and
sincere mutuality. In order to attain to this
end it is unavoidable that we are set entirely
at ease with regard to the interpretation of
Article VII  This necessity  becomes still
more marked during the present crisis, even
if we do not enter the war, for during these
serious times in which the opportunity of
applying Article VII appearsmore probable,
we must be entirely clear as to the inter-
pretation given this article by Austria-Huntgary
in order that we may conttnue, clearly and
decisively, by means of our diplomatic
att tude, to support the military activities of
our atiles.
On the other hand, the acceptance of our
interpretation of article VII, which is of the
utmost inportance for our diplomatic attitude,
cannot in iseif suffice to do away with  all
those serious reasons which at least for the
preenit, prevent us fromparicipalingin the war.
Tnis general formiula does not in fact es.
tablish any clea- and distinct arrangement
regarding the nature and the value of the
compentatioi to be paid under all conditions,
nor is reaton to the dangers and measure-
.ss sacrifices whicn this war would demaind
of us, cangers and sacrifices which are greater
than thoze to which our allies are exposed
This great difterence between the dangers
and the sacrifices on one side and the ad-
vantages on tne other is precisely the reason
which makes it plain why Austria-Hungary
wanted a war which it might easily have
t   )His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty
had seiIt a telegram to Hs Majesty the Kng o
Italy, in which he informed his high ally that
in consequence of the interference of Russia in
the conlict with Servia and the mobilization o
the Russian army and navy, he had ordereda
general mobilization, and also expressed his
satisfaction in being able to count upon the
suppoit of ius ally.
r Ise     of thsAstria. Hungary in the
course of te summer of 1914, without con-
suiting Italy, without giving it the least hint,
orting tal, tie advice of the royal govern-
rrient to use moderation, presented its ulti-
matum to Servia on the 23rd of July, this
tbeingthe cause aind the beginning of the
present European conflagration.
By tse negtect of itsg6uties as an ally,
Austria-Hungary disturbed the entire status
quo in the Balkans and created a situation
from which it alone could profit, whiledamaging
f  the important interests to whichtheallied nation
a   had so often referred to and bespoken.
e    So open a violati;'n of the text and spirit
of theotreaty not culy justified Italy in its
avoided,whilst wehave done all that lay inr
our power in order to spare Europe this b
terrible disaster.  We nevertheless hope thatv
even without our participation in the war
we may for all that fnd the opportunity to r
give our allies the asetrance of our sincere.
and  friendly  feelings  and we thereforer
reckon upon an agreetlent whichewill bring
the interests of both si ls into accord -
All these considerations, serious as theyo
nay be, would not prevent us from fulfillinga
our obligations, if thes existed. But as thep
"casus foederis" cannot be applied to the
present war, the Miristerial Council last%
night decided upon our remaining neutral, f
with the reservation of making more definite
decisions later on in accordance with the
wishes of our allies, should this be our duty,n
or should it be dictated by our interests.
The Balance of Europe, of the Balkansf
and the sea which sutounds Italy, representg
a vital ineest Jor our land, and it is de-h
terred by no sacrifice, nor froni any deter-
mination which the pre;ervation of its interestsb
and its resistance may impose.n
Since the day on which I assumed thea
leadership of the foreign policy of my father-c
land, it was one of the chief aims of myp
activity to knit still closer the bands of
friendship which  unit I  Italy and Austria-r
Hungary. I shall continue to strive for thisr
and with all my endeavors, for I considerc
it absolutely nec: ssf*y for the interests ofa
both our countries. In order to attain thist
their interests must be brought into accord-
those of the one attaiting satisfaction withoutI
injuring those of the :ther.
5. Count Berchtold to Herr von M    rey.r
Telegam.          Viennia,. August 4, 1914.
Analogous to the declarations made by the
Marquis di San Guiliao to your Excellency,
the ItalianmAmbassadori asitoday Communi-.
cated to me that Italy in view of the agree-
ment entered   into  with Austria-HungaryI
repectitig Albania, 1vould  abide by theI
drecsions of the Lonon Conference. ItayI
did not wish in any vise to profit fromt thet
fact that Austria-Hur ary was at prsnt
occupied elsewhere. I aso wished to preserve
a similar attitude in all that might yet follow.I
The Italian Envoy in Durazzo has received
instructions to convey this order in the
above sense to all the Consulates.
I request your Excellency to tell the
Marquis di San Giuliano that I find a special
gratification  in  his declaration.  I have
moreover, been a priri convinced that Italy
will now respect our accord, aswe respected
Italy's during the Libyan campaign.
6. Count Berchtold to Baron
von Macchio.
Telegram.         Vnna, August 23, 1914.
I authorize your Excellency, simultaneously
with your German colleague, to declare to
the Roman cabinet that the Italian inter-
pretation regarding the expression, "dans les
irgions des balans" in Article VII is
accepted without reseration by us, and not
only during the present cristgut for the
entire duration of the trealty.
This declaration Irings with it the assu-
rance that we are prepared in case of a
temporary or definite seizure of territory in
the Balkan disricts to enter into conver-
sations with Italy with regard to the question
of compensations.
7. Baron von Macchio to Count
Telegram.          Rome, August 25, 1914.
As my German collague received instruc-
tions to-day which empower him to accept
the the Italian interpretation of Article VII,
we have to-day both orally communicated
this declaration of agreement to the Marquis
San Giuliano
He seemed to be pleasantly affected by
this but was of the opinion that the present
stale of war was scarcely the basis for opening
up a conversation.
I expressed myself as always ready to
enter upon such a converation, through I
understood quite well, in case he wished to
postpone it.
8. From the Royal Italian Am-
bassador at Vienna, on May 4th,
1915,   to  the   Imperial and    Royal
Minister of Foreign Affairs, being
the communication of the Royal
Italian Government to the Imperial
.    and   Royal Government.
The Ambassador of His Majesty the King
of Italy isarequested' by his government to
communicate the following to His Excellency
the Austrian-Hungaran Minister of Foreign
Affairs and to lave with him a transcript
of the text.
o "The alliance between Italy and Austria-
Hungaryswas from the very begining  con-
[ceived as an element and a guarantee of
peaceand had its main purpose in a
common defense. Ir    f view  of later eveoets
and te new order of things which arose
from these, the two governments were forced
to lix their eyes upona goal no less impor-
tant; they have accrdsigly striven through
the successive renewals of the Alliance to
ensure  its continuation  by  establishing
the principle  of tieaccord palable in
connection with the Balkans for the purpose
of reconciling the interes:s and diverging
tendenciesofithe two Ipowers.
It is well known that a loyal observance
of these aims would have sutliced to furnish
oa iais for a common and fruitful action.
Insad   fa is AsraHnryith
during that period, as well as the telegram
which His Majesty the King of Italy sent to
His Majesty the Emperor and King on the
2nd of August, in order to confirm the fact
that the royal government at that time saw
nothing which was cont:ary to the terms of
our treaty of alliance.
Attacked by the powers of theTriple Alliance,
Austria-Hungary and Germany were forced
to defend their territory, but this war of
defense had in no sense a goal that could
pos .iblyhave been construed intothe realization
of a program contrary to the vital inter ests
of Italy."  These vital interests or what we
were able to know of them were in no wise
threatened. Moreover if the Italian govern-
ment had any fears in this respect there was
nothing to prevent it from making them
-efusal to join its allies in arwar which had c
een provoked without regard to its own    a
views, but it also at the same time deprived  w
the alliance of its essential contents and its
ight to persist. tA
Even the provision in the text of the treaty st
regarding  benevolent  neutrality  suffered  tI
hrough this violation.  Both reason and   It
entimenttare opposed  to the preservation  t
of a benevolent neutrality when one of the H
allies takes to arms in order to carry out a  a
program which is diametrically opposed to
the life interests of the other ally-interests  I
whose preservation furnish the chief reason  v
for the alliance.                          d
Nevertheless Italy has striven for several  c
months to create a situation favorable to the  a
restoration of friendly relationships between  u
the two states, which represent tfle essential o
foundation for all cooperation in the field of
general politics.  To this end and with thist
hope the royal government was ready to     b
come to an arrangement which had for its p
basis a generous satisfaction of the righteous  t
national aspirations of Italy and which would  r
at the same time have served the purpose
of lessening the inequality in the opposed  c
positions of the two states in the Adriatic. r
These negotiations, however, have led to  a
no tangible result.  All the efforts of the  a
royal government met w th the opposition   t
of the Imperial and Royal Government which d
after several months came to no other decision
than to concede tle special interests of Italyo
In Valona and to promise    a cession  ofo
territory i the Trentino, a cession which
could not be designated as a normal solutionv
of the question from an ethical, a politicalt
nor a military point of view. Moreover this
concession was to be carried out only at anr
indefinite time,that is, at the termination of warr
Under these   circumstances  the  Italian
government is obliged to resign all hope ofr
attaini ig to an understanding  and to with-
draw all its proposals made for that purpose.
It would be quite futile to preserve tie
formal appearance of an Alliance whose t
purpose would be merely to hide the realty,
that is to say, the persistent distrust and thet
daily contrarities.5
Having faith in the justice of its action,
Italy therefore arnnounces that it from now
on attaims its complete freedom of action
atnd declares that it regards the alliance with
Austria-Hugary  as annulled  and  for the
future unbinding.t
9. From     the  Imperial    and   Royalt
Minister of Foreign Affairs, dated
May   21, 1915, to the Royal Italian
Ambassador in Vienna, being the
communication of the Imperial and
Royal Government to the Royal
Italian Government.
The Austrian-Hungarian Minister of Foreign
Affairs has had the honor of receiving the
communication with regard to thitermina-
tion of the Triple Alliance which the Italian I
Ambassador has presented in the name of
the Royal Italian government on May 4th.
The Imperial and Royal Government has
with painful surprise taken note of the inten-
tion of the Italian government to terminate
in so unqualified a manner a compact which,
based upon the communalily of our most
important political interests, has for so many
years assured our respective states both peace
and security and been of such well-known
services to Italy.
This surprise on onr part is the more
justifiable, since the main facts which the
royal government advances for its decision
lie more than nine months in the past, since
which the royal government has repeatedly
announced its desire to maintain the alliance
between our two countries and even to
strengthen it, a desire which always found
a favorable reception and cordial echo in
The reasons which compelled the Imperial
and Royal government to deliver its ultima-
tum to Servia in July of last year are too
well-known to make their repetition necessary
liere. The goal which Austria-Hungary set
itself, a goal whose chie fend was wholly and
solely to protect the Monarchy against the
subversive machiniations of Servia and to
prevent the continuation of an agitation
which was bent upon the dismemberment
of Austria-Hungary, and which resulted in
conntless attacks and finally in the horrible
crime of Serajevo, could in no wise affect
the interests of Italy.  For the Imperial and
Royal Government had never assumed, and
regards it as impossible that the interests of
Italy could in any may be ident.fied with the
criminal ontrages which, directed against the
security and the territorial integrity of Austria-
Hungary, were unfortunataly tolerated and
encouraged by the Belgrade government.
elhe Italian government moreover had been
acquaintedhwith this andpknew that Austria-
Hungary cherished no plans of conquest in
Servia.  It was empeatically made clear at
Rome thatAustria-Hngary, in case the war
remained realized, had no intention of in-
fringing the territorial integrty nor the sover-
eignity of Serva.
When, in consequence of the interference
of Russia, the purely local quarrel betweeta
Austria - Hungary and Servia assumed a
European character and Austria-Hmgary and
Germany saw themselves attacked by several
Great Powers, the royal government an-
nounced the neutrality of Italy without giving
the least hint thatthis war which wasloosed and
long prepared for by Russia, might deprive the
Triple aiance of its justification for existence.
It will suffice to recall the declarations
which the Marquis di San Guiliano made
on and that it had accordiingiy recoverr
its full freedom of action. Firmly determin<
to preserve the Italian rights and interests !,
all the means at its command, the ro
government    cannot   relinquish  its  di
to take all measures to protect itself againt-
all present and future threats against 'he
fulfillment of its national aspirations. He
Majesty the King declares that he consides
himself from to-morrou on as in a stste or
war with Austria-Hungary.
The undersigned has at the same time Ilti
honor of informing His Excellency ftci
Minister of Foreign Affairs that the passes
of the Imperial and Royal Ambassador at
Rome will be placedbat his disposal to-day
and that he would be grateful to his Ex-
cellency if he would deliver him his own.
lear, foricertainlybboth in Vienna as well
[s Rome it would have met with the greatest
illingness to respeet and shield these interests.
The royal government was at that time of
e opinion that its allies, according to the
tate of things were not entitled to consider
hat the "casus foederis" applied toItaly, bitt
aly made no communication to the effect
iat she regarded. the procedure of Austria-
Hungary as an "open violation of the texi
nd spirit of the treaty."
The cabinets of Vienna and Berlin in a
oyal spirit, though with regret, accepted a
aid Italy's decision to remain neutra-a
lecision which was scarcely compatible with
ur conception of the spirit of the treaty-
ind the exchange of opinion which there-
pon resulted confirmed the full continuance
f the Triple Alliance.
It is precisely upon this treaty, especially
pon Aricle VII that the royal government
iased its demands for obtan ng certain com-
pensations in case that Austria-Hungary wa
o derive advantages of a territorial or other
nature in the Balkan peninsula.
The Imperial and Royal government ac-
cepted tiis point of view and declared itsef
ready to submit f 1qestion to a discussion,
t the same time pointing out that so ong
as one had no knowledge of the advantage;
hat might accrue to Austria-Hungary, it was
difficult to establish any compeasation forthes .
The royal government itself shared tlims
pinon, asmay be seen in th declaration
of the late Marquis di San   Giliano oo
August 25h, 1914, in which he says: "L
would be premature to spek of compensa-
tions at this hour," and likewise from the
emarks of the Duke of Avarna after our
etirement front Servia, "there is at presew.
no object for compensatio."
Nonetheless the Imperial and Royal Gover-
ments were always prepared  to enter into
onversations upon this matter.
The Imperial and Royal Government which
et great value upon the maintenance of the
bet relations with Italy, stood ready-when
he Italian governmenit, after a renewed pro-
estation of its desire to maintain and
strengthen the alliance, made certain demand;
which concerned the cession of integrAl
parts of the Monarchy, -to accept this basi
of negotiaton, although  according toi
opinion the article in question, VII, did no,
refer to the tcrritory of the signtories of
the treaty,tbut wholly and solely to the Balkan
In the conversations which ensued upot'
this matter, the Dual Monarchy proved itset
to be consdantly actuaed by a sincere desire to
attain to an tuderstaiding with Italy, and
though for ethoiological, political aid military
reason, all of which were explained in
detail at Rome, it was impossible to yied
to allthe den s of the Italianhgovern
fr.e A,  thle  sacifices  which  the  Dir,
Monarchy was prepared to make were so
great thatthey could have been justified only
by the  wish to eep intact the treaty which
had subsisted so long be wen our two
The royal government points ont that the
concessions promised by Austria-Hungary
-ic z to be carricd out ony after an indcfintc
period, that is to say, at the end of the war,
and it appears to draw the conclusion from
this that these concession thus lost their entire
Though the Imperial and Royal government
made clear the impossiblity of an immediate
surrender of the land to be ceded, it never-
theless proved its willingness to offer all
necessary  guarantees for  preparing  this
surrender and at once to ensure its carrying-
out within a certain period.
The opengood-will and the conciliatory
spirit shown by the Austrian- Hugarian
gove-nment in the course of these nego-
tiations, seem to furnish no support for
the opinion of the Italian government that
all hope of settlement must be given up.
But settlement of this sort can be attained
only when the same sincere desire for
arriving at an understanding actuates both
The Imperial and Royal government feels
itself obliged to reftue recognition to the
delaration of the Italian government to the
effect that it desires to recover its full freedom
of action and that it regards the treaty with
Austria-Hungary as terminated and ineffective
from now on. For such a declaration of the
royal government is in decided contradetion
to the formal duties assumed by Italy in tie
contract of December    5th, 1912.   Thni
decrees that the Alliance was to continue until
July 8, 1900, and is provided for by te
stipulation that notice of its termination
could be given only a year in advanc,
while a termination or nullification before
this time was not provided for.
Since the royal Italian government has thus
freed itself of all its obligations in this
deliberate manner, the Imperial and Royal
Government must refase all responsibility
for the consequences that may ensue from
th s manner of procedure.
10. The Royal Italian Ambassador
at Vienna to the Imperial and
Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Translation.        Vienna, May 23, 1915.
In accordance with the command of Ils
Majesty the King, and his exalted Rulr,l-
undersigned royal Italian Ambassador 1ts
the honor of making the following com m-
nication  to  His Excellency the Austria
Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs:
On the 4th inst. the Imperial and Roy
Government was acquainted with the weigh
reasons why Italy in the firm assurance
its right, regarded its treaty wit  Ausnr-
Hungary, which had been violated   by
latter, as terminated and ineffective from no

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