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Documents on Germany, 1944-1959 : background documents on Germany, 1944-1959, and a chronology of political developments affecting Berlin, 1945-1956
(1959)

Letter from Premier Khrushchev to President Eisenhower, on the question of a summit meeting, June 11, 1958,   pp. 281-290 PDF (4.6 MB)


Page 287

DOCUMENTS ON- GEIRMANY. 1944-599           287
It -would be a different, matter if the Great Powers, including the
USSR, should assume mutual guarantees and consequently accept
such a solution of the problem as would not place any of the Powers
in an unequal or even humiliating position. But the conclusion of
a, nonaggression, pact, the tremendous significance of, which cannot
be, denied if the. situation is evaluated objectively, would satisfy this
requirement of mutual. guarantees.
The artificial nature of this entire proposal for "guarantees"
to
the Soviet Union becomes particularly clear if account is taken of
the fact that the powers occupying the, command position in the North
Atlantic military grouping, the entire activity of which is dominated
by military preparations against the. Soviet Union and the countries
friendly to it, are the ones who are proposing that they assume the
r ole of thre guarantors. Thus "security guarantees" are proposed
to
us on the paxt of a, bloc of countries which are constantly forging
the instruments of war, the military leaders of which make appeals
almost daily for atomic war against the Soviet Union, and the propa-
ganda machinery of which constantly fans the feelings of war
hysteria. Perhaps there are people who tend to close their eyes to
reality and to rely on reassuring words, but we do not belong to this
category. I do not doubt, even for a minute that under similar cir-
cumstances t.he, Government of the USA would take the same position.
It is our firm conviction that the task with regard to the question
of European security does not consist in advancing some sort of
"guarantees" for the Soviet Union, guarantees that are not needed
by it, but rather in ensuring the security of all European nations
and in creating a situation where Europe could not again become
the arena of a new war.
It is the achievement of this goal that would be furthered by the
creation in Central Europe, as proposed by the Government of the
Polish People's Republic, of a zone free of nuclear and rocket weapons
and also by a reduction, with the establishment of appropriate mu-
tual control, in the number of foreign troops stationed in the terri-
tories of European states, primarily in. Germany. The implementa-
tion of. these measures would not violate the interests, of any state.
On the contrary it would sharply reduce the possibility of an out-
break of atomic war in an area, where now huge masses of armed
forces and armaments of the opposing groupings of states are con-
centrated in immediate proximity to each other. The creation of the
said zone in one area could gradually lead to such zones also coming
into being in other places, and an ever-increasing portion of the terri-
tory of the globe would be excluded from the sphere of preparations
for atomic war. The risk of peoples being involved in such war
-ivould thereby be diminishled.
We believe that such a question as the conclusion of a nonaggres-
sion pact between states parties to the Warsaw Treaty and states
parties to the North Atlantic Alliance was long ago ready for de-
cision. The conclusion of such a, pact, the significance of which was
also emphasized by Mr. Macmillan, Prime Minister of the United
Kingdom, would in no way violate the existing relationship of forces
between the two groups, and would at the same time be tremen-
dously beneficial. The element of stability and reassurance that is
so necessary would be injected into the entire international situation.
Nations would see that the most powerful states from a military stand-


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