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Documents on Germany, 1944-1959 : background documents on Germany, 1944-1959, and a chronology of political developments affecting Berlin, 1945-1956
(1959)

Letter from Premier Bulganin to President Eisenhower, on European security, the Rapacki Plan, and disarmament, December 10, 1957,   pp. 220-226 PDF (3.2 MB)


Page 223

DOCUMENTS ON GERMANY, 1944-59
international situation, then it is completely obvious that an attempt
to bring states together, to include those of several continents in a
program which in essence amounts to joint preparation for a new
war, would mean undermining the U.N. and would inflict irreparable
damage upon it.
We are of course aware that the plans for further intensification
of military preparations are represented as plans directed toward
insuring the security of the Western powers and toward the strength-
ening of peace. However, the leaders of such countries as the United
States and the Soviet Union bear too great a responsibility not to
attempt to approach the evaluation of this or that course of foreign
policy without prejudice, objectively, and taking into consideration
the facts as they actually exist, and historic experience. After all,
does not the whole experience of the development of international
relations during the past decade indicate that the thesis that peace
and the security of nations can be insured by means of intensified
armament and of "cold war" or through a "brink of war"
policy has
absolutely no basis ?
The last ten years have been characterized by the policy of "a posi-
tion of strength" and "cold war" proclaimed by certain circles
in
the West.
During all these years the minds of men in the West have been
poisoned by intensive propaganda, which, day after day, has im-
planted the thought of the inevitability of a new war and the neces-
sity of intensified preparations for war. This propaganda for war,
which contributed not a little toward aggravating the international
situation and undermining confidence in the relations between states,
is one of the chief elements of the policy of "a position of strength."
Today the entire world is witness to the fact that this policy has
not produced any positive results, even for those powers which have
for such a long time and so insistently been following it, and which
have confronted mankind with the threat of a new war, the terrible
consequences of which would exceed anything that can be pictured
by the human imagination.
It is not by accident that the voices in the world which call for an
end to propaganda for war, an end to the "cold war," an end to
the
unrestrained armaments race and an entry upon the path of peaceful
coexistence of all states are becoming louder and louder. The idea
of peaceful coexistence is becoming more and more an imperative
demand of the historical moment through which we are passing.
It is well known that the most rabid champions of the "cold war"
are trying to picture this demand as "Communist propaganda." We
Communists do not of course deny that we stand wholeheartedly for
a program of peaceful coexistence, for a program of peaceful and
friendly cooperation among all countries, and we are proud of it.
But are we the only ones with such a program? Are all those states-
men and public figures of India, Indonesia, Great Britain, France,
and other countries who insistently and ardently call for the renuncia-
tion of the "policy of strength" for peaceful coexistence also
Com-
munists? And do not their voices express the attitude and the will
of millions and millions of people?
It seems to us that at the present time the international situation
has become such that the actions taken by states in the very near
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